A Nostalgic Tribute to Muhammadu Buhari

 July 15, 2025

 

By: Amir Abdulazeez

During the early and mid-months of 2002, I usually visit an uncle (now late) who generously provided me with newspapers often before he even read them himself. On one such visit, I picked up a copy of the Daily Trust, a relatively new publication at the time, and while flipping through its pages, I read the delightful news that not only made me happy but also propelled me into a brief career in partisan politics. Retired General Muhammadu Buhari had decided to join democratic politics and announced his entry into the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP).

At the time, the Obasanjo-led administration was widely perceived to be underperforming, failing to sincerely address Nigeria’s mounting challenges. The PDP had morphed into a formidable political giant, while the ANPP was weakening steadily; other newly registered parties existed only in the briefcases of their founders.  Buhari's decision to join politics at that time represented the single most decisive decision that changed the Nigerian democratic landscape in the last 25 years. Youths, pensioners, activists, comrades, veterans and even fence-sitters found a new rallying point and almost everyone else joined the new messiah.

Although many harbored reservations about Buhari; especially those whose interests had been hurt during his military regime or the post-1999 established elite who saw him as a threat, I was among the countless young Nigerians who adored Buhari to a fault. My admiration for him was so intense that another uncle once felt compelled to caution me. It was just before the 2003 presidential election when he walked into my room, saw a large framed portrait of Buhari on my wall, smiled, and advised me to moderate my obsession.

My love for Buhari began about 30 years ago. The establishment of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) by General Sani Abacha's administration in 1994 coincided with our early years in secondary school. By the time the Fund was a year old in 1995, the name of Muhammadu Buhari was on the lips of virtually all Nigerians. In my estimation then, he was the only tangible good thing about the Abacha government. In fact, he appeared to be more popular than Abacha himself; a hypothesis that reportedly inspired Obasanjo to scrap the Fund in 1999 to avoid ‘running a government inside a government’.

I vividly recall a day in 1995 or 1996 when I accompanied my father to a bookshop. The PTF low-price edition of every book we went to buy was available at a 50% or so discount without any compromise in quality. While paying the money, I could see the smile on my father's face reflecting deep satisfaction and appreciation for the work of the PTF. That was the first time in my life I truly felt and understood the direct impact of government on the people. In pharmacies, PTF drugs were sold at subsidized rates. There was no propaganda, rhetoric, cosmetics, or media packaging; the work of Buhari's PTF was there for everyone to see and touch. I was lucky as a young lad to join elders in travels across the country from 1995-1997. I got tired of seeing the PTF road projects that I once asked: "Why won't this Buhari return as president to fix Nigeria?"

Muhammadu Buhari, a constant figure in Nigerian political discourse since 1983, is now gone. Few anticipated his death, as the brief illness he suffered in London seemed either a rumor or a routine medical trip. Ironically, many of his detractors had "killed" him multiple times in the past; some of them dying before he did. In 2014, former Ekiti State governor Ayo Fayose ran a notorious advert predicting Buhari wouldn’t last months in office if elected. Yet he won, served for eight years, and died just months short of turning 83.

Buhari lived a long, dedicated, and enduring life of service and commitment to Nigeria, spanning about six decades in both military and civilian capacities. Save perhaps for Obasanjo, there’s no Nigerian, dead or alive, matches his array of public portfolios. His personal reputation for discipline, honesty, integrity, and austerity endured throughout his public life. He stood as a symbol of principled and stoic leadership and left behind a legacy that will continue to resonate for generations.

Just before his death, the debate of who made him president in 2015 resurfaced with an exchange of tantrums between some pro-Tinubu and pro-Buhari gladiators. While I found the debate outdated, my position remains that Buhari ought to have become president 12 years earlier. For the avoidance of doubt, Muhammadu Buhari did not lose the 2003 presidential elections, it was brutally rigged to return Obasanjo for a second term. That year’s election ranks among the most fraudulent in modern global history. In 2007, the presidential election results were simply fabricated, so we can't even call that an election, not to talk of who won or lost.

Despite my immense love for Buhari, I was left with no choice but to join his critics after 2015. Less than a year in, it became clear that his government lacked the vision and effectiveness many had hoped for. In 2015, I queued until about 10:00 p.m. to vote for him, believing he was Nigeria’s last chance. By 2018, disappointed, I called for him to serve just one term. I argued then that if he couldn’t lead like Nelson Mandela, he could at least exit like Mandela. By 2021, while in his second term, I was so disillusioned that I openly advocated for his impeachment.

It still remains a mystery how our much beloved, tested and trusted (his campaign slogan in 2003) Buhari failed fell so short of expectations. Some blamed his arrogant and underperforming appointees; others cited a fractured and directionless party. But ultimately, he bore the responsibility. His inability or unwillingness to discipline ineffective ministers eroded his credibility. In 2022, during the eight-month strike by university lecturers, I contacted one of his aides (a relative), who confirmed that it was Buhari’s ministers not Buhari himself who opposed paying the lecturers. Another indicator that he wasn’t really in charge.

In the midst of the storm, Buhari's administration managed to attain some landmark achievements and notable milestones in infrastructure, social welfare, and the fight against terrorism. He delivered the elusive Second Niger Bridge, the Lagos-Ibadan and Abuja-Kaduna railways and upgraded numerous critical road networks. His government implemented the Treasury Single Account (TSA), which significantly improved public financial transparency and curbed leakages. Buhari's war against Boko Haram yielded mixed results but succeeded in reclaiming substantial territory from insurgents. He introduced arguably the largest Social Investment Program in the history of Africa, targeting millions of beneficiaries through initiatives like N-Power, Trader Moni, Survival Fund, Anchor Borrowers Scheme, and conditional cash transfers.

Nigerians are free to hold divergent views on Buhari. But there should be decency in how we express those views. No one is without flaws; we all have our good and bad sides. One day, we too shall pass, and others will speak of us. Buhari had both triumphs and failings; some reaped benefits, others suffered losses. If you can pray for him, please do. If not, be measured in your words.

The past few days have witnessed a flurry of deaths, a sobering reminder that life is fleeting and death inevitable. Today’s giants will one day lie lifeless. When Garba Shehu broke the news of Buhari's death, I immediately made up my mind to put up a tribute. A few minutes after the announcement, I went to his Wikipedia page to corroborate some information about the general. To my surprise, the information about his death had already been updated: "Muhammadu Buhari (1942-2025)"—so swiftly? I said to myself. Baba is gone. May Allah forgive and grant him Jannatul-Firdaus.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

 

The Proliferation of National ‘Honours’

15^th June, 2025

By: Amir Abdulazeez

If we can recall, on 7^th October, 2015 a 19-year-old student, Hassan Mohammed Damagum sacrificed himself to save others from a suicide bomber who attempted to attack a mosque during the Subh (Dawn) prayer at Buhari Housing Estate in Yobe State. Hassan had sensed that the individual standing next to him was a suicide bomber trying to kill people. The boy was said to have confronted the bomber which blew both of them off. Again, on 25^th January 2017, Yakubu Fannami, another student from Borno State who was just in SS1 died a hero while preventing a suicide bomber from entering at the Darrusalam Science and Islamic Academy in Maiduguri. Fannami tackled the female suicide bomber, preventing her from reaching the mosque and detonating her explosives, thus saving the lives of many worshippers.

To the best of my research which may be inadequate, none of the two boys were publicly given a significant national recognition. The story of Nigeria is replete with the neglect of brave and heroic citizens who had sacrificed a lot and even laid down their lives to save others. Since 1999, Nigeria has always chosen to reward and honour many lazy elites who had contributed virtually nothing, but rather became huge beneficiaries of government patronage and corruption. Every President has made it a duty to dash out national honours to his choice elites in a manner one would do with his personal property.

In line with the routine tradition of his predecessors, President Bola Tinubu used the June 12, 2025 Democracy Day to confer over 100 national honours—some of them posthumously. As expected, many awardees are members of his administration and personalities very close to him. A section of the awardees list portrays a belated compensation package to a gang of Abacha victims, who actually need justice more than honour. While people like Prof. Humphrey Nwosu (CON), Prof. Wole Soyinka (GCON), Alhaji Balarabe Musa (CFR), Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah (CON) and Femi Falana, SAN (CON) truly deserve their awards, it would have been wiser and more balanced to include people like Late Bashir Tofa (Abiola’s NRC opponent), Late Abubakar Rimi and Magaji Abdullahi (two important SDP figures who miraculously delivered Kano, Tofa’s State to Abiola) and of course M.D. Yusufu, the presidential candidate of MDJ who was Abacha’s sole challenger in his bid to undemocratically transform to a civilian president, among others. Perhaps, they would be remembered by this or another President in the next set of awards, for at this rate, every political household name, dead or alive, may soon have a national honour in Nigeria by 2030.

What exactly is this national honour and who are those who deserve it? The honouring system was originally envisioned as a prestigious recognition of exceptional service to the nation and was formally established by the National Honours Act No. 5 of 1964 to inspire patriotism, reward merit and foster national unity. The structure of national honours, divided into two orders (Order of the Federal Republic and Order of the Niger) and eight ranks (GCFR, GCON, CFR, CON, OFR, OON, MFR, MON), was designed to reflect degrees of national impact. However, the system’s proliferation and indiscriminate distribution have undermined these distinctions, often placing true heroes, statesmen and national icons equal or below some presidential sycophants, political loyalists and officeholders, regardless of their performance or public standing.

The early years of Nigeria's national honours system reflected its original purpose. Recipients such as Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti were honoured for verifiable and transformative contributions. However, over time, the politicization and personalization of the awards diminished its integrity, giving way to an annual ritual often characterised by hundreds of questionable awardees whose contributions to the nation are neither tangible nor verifiable. In the past 15 years, things have gotten worse as the selection system itself have been incompetently reduced to a mechanism marred by political patronage, duplication and credibility crises.

Today, the integrity of this noble initiative is in serious jeopardy, with widespread skepticism about its selection process and relevance. Ideally, recipients should be individuals whose lives exemplify ethical integrity, measurable public impact and selfless service. However, the current trend favours tenure over achievement and proximity to power over merit. Politicians under corruption investigation, individuals with no tangible contributions and business moguls with opaque wealth have all made their way into the honours roll. Prominent Nigerians have rejected national honours in protest. Chinua Achebe, Gani Fawehinmi and Wole Soyinka famously turned down honours in the past, citing corruption, misgovernance and the lack of transparency in the process. Their principled refusals sent powerful messages about the need to restore the credibility of the system. As Achebe aptly put it, ‘a government that fails its people cannot in good conscience bestow honours’.

Numerous scandals have exposed the flaws of the system. In 2022, the conferment of awards to serving ministers during a prolonged ASUU strike and the inclusion of people accused of corruption represented a new low. Even more embarrassing were administrative blunders such as conferring posthumous awards to please certain intersts and duplication of awards to the same person under different titles. Meanwhile, countless unsung heroes remain ignored. Rural teachers shaping future generations, healthcare workers battling epidemics without protection and community leaders mediating conflicts receive no recognition.

Some few non-elitist Nigerians have been reluctantly recognized by the establishment in the past. The belated honour to Dr. Ameyo Stella Adadevoh (posthumous OON, 2022), whose sacrifice averted an Ebola catastrophe in August, 2014, only came after sustained public pressure for about eight years. In August, 2018, then President Muhammadu Buhari and the United States Embassy honoured the Bauchi State-born 83-year old Malam Abubakar Abdullahi, a Muslim Imam in a village in Plateau State. He sheltered and fed 300 Christians for five days to prevent them from being killed in an uprising. The old man ran from one corner to the other stopping youths who wanted to break into the mosque to get hold of his guests. Eventually, they gave up after realizing that the only way to execute their evil plan was to kill the old man. That was how he saved their lives. I am not sure whether the man was given any national honour beyond that presidential acknowledgement.

If we are to continue like this, I will suggest the renaming of the awards to “Special Presidential Honours”.  The National Honours Act, last revised in 2004, offers the President near-total discretion, with little room for public input or institutional checks. With time, it has been turned to a presidential farewell affair as outgoing Presidents routinely populate honours lists upon leaving office to payback loyalists. Recent attempts at reform, such as the proposed National Honours and Merit Award Commission, represent a step forward but are insufficient on their own. Far-reaching legislative and administrative reforms are needed to restore the honours’ integrity. This includes public nominations, independent vetting panels, open selection criteria and mandatory justification of award decisions.

A critical reform must also introduce public objections and transparency mechanisms, such as publishing nominee shortlists and designing revocation protocols. Honours should be rescinded from individuals found guilty of crimes or misconduct post-conferment. The system should no longer shield disgraced figures or treat national honours as irrevocable symbols of status regardless of later behaviour. Furthermore, awards should be capped annually to preserve their exclusivity. Honouring fewer, more deserving Nigerians will increase the prestige of the titles and prevent undeserving awards Most importantly, the honours system must reconnect with the grassroots. By recognising farmers, nurses, teachers, inventors and humanitarian workers, Nigeria can turn the system into a true tool of national inspiration.

All these are by the way as ordinary Nigerians no longer care about leaders honouring themselves and their cronies. No impoverished Nigerian has the luxury of waiting to be honoured by someone whose honour is questionable himself. All Nigerians are asking for is guaranteed security to farm, stable power supply to produce, quality and affordable education to learn, reliable healthcare to survive and stable economy to thrive. When they can provide this, they can go on naming and renaming national monuments after their wives and continue with the vicious cycle of self-glorification in the name of national honours.

 

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

The Politics of Autobiographies

 20^th February, 2025

 By: Amir Abdulazeez

In ancient times and through the Middle ages, people used autobiographies to share hidden truths, make confessions and communicate genuine experiences. Nowadays, they are used by politicians and world leaders for self-justification and self-glorification. Whether in the West, across Africa, or within Nigeria, the pattern remains the same—political figures use autobiographies to rewrite history in their favour, often ignoring their failures or controversies.

Between 1948 to 1954, former British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, published multiple volumes of memoirs that portrayed him as the hero of World War II. While Churchill was undeniably a key figure in the war, his narratives downplayed criticisms of his leadership, including his alleged role in the Bengal Famine of 1943, which resulted in the deaths of millions. His autobiographical works cemented his legacy as a wartime leader while sidestepping his more controversial decisions.

Modern political memoirs have increasingly become exercises in selective storytelling, where leaders carefully articulate their narratives to present themselves in the most favourable light possible. Former United States President, Richard Nixon used his autobiography, ‘The Memoirs of Richard Nixon’, to repair his image after the Watergate scandal. After lying about the possession of weapons of mass destruction as a justification to invade, Tony Blair's ‘A Journey’ and George W. Bush's ‘Decision Points’, cruelly and shamelessly attempted to justify their baseless war in Iraq in 2003.

Across Africa, many leaders have also engaged in this practice of using autobiographies to deny or justify their shortcomings. As good as they were, even the likes of Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda, Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere and Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta have all been accused of using autobiographies to exaggerate their legacies, downplay their shortcomings and ignore controversies around their stewardships.

In Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo’s ‘My Watch’, published in 2014 have been widely criticized for being self-serving. While Obasanjo paints himself as a patriot and a visionary leader, he conveniently overlooked the authoritarian tendencies and allegations of corruption and electoral frauds during his tenure.  Despite all the glaring circumstances that led to the decisive defeat of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 Presidential elections, in his 2018 book ‘My Transition Hours’, he tried so hard to justify and downplay the very actions that led to his downfall while also constructing different conspiracy theories that gave the impression he didn’t lose the elections freely and fairly.

Just, when we thought we have had enough of all these politicized autobiographies, former Military President General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has released his own memoirs. While being often and correctly presented as one of Nigeria’s finest soldiers, strongest leaders and elder statesmen, we can by no means expect his memoirs to be significantly different from that of other Nigerian, African and world leaders. IBB is unlucky to be one of the most studied and documented Nigerian leaders and there are so many controversies, inconsistencies and tactical deceptions associated to his tenure which no autobiography can reconcile.

One major criticism of IBB’s memoir is its timing. The delayed release suggests a strategic waiting period for public emotions to cool and memories to fade. Apart from the main actors, many other people in the position to validate or refute whatever he might say in his book are dead. In fact, majority of the current generation of Nigerians were not even born when he left power in 1993. In a nutshell, while Babangida’s autobiography may attempt to rationalize many of his decisions, the scars left by the events he presided like the Structural Adjustment programme, state executions, public corruption, endless and wasteful transition programme will remain fresh in the country’s memory.

In Nigeria, what have these autobiographies taught us? Many leaders and political actors have left terrible legacies which they cannot risk leaving in the hands of neutral story tellers. While they should spend the rest of their lives in regret and retrospection, they will rather add salt to injury by releasing half-truths and falsehoods as autobiographies. When they do so, they always have other elitist co-conspirators that benefited from their actions and inactions in power that will gather and celebrate them like heroes.

As a former Nigerian leader, once you are alive and influential, you can always find a way of redeeming your image inspite of your atrocities. I always ask people to imagine if General Sani Abacha was still alive, who will dare recover any foreign loot associated to him? Who doesn’t have skeletons in their cupboards? Unfortunately for Abacha, apart from been dead, he had also stepped on most, if not all of the toes that would’ve protected him and again, one of the most affected became President just 11 months after his death.

Not all are the same. There are patriotic Nigerian leaders, statesmen and freedom fighters who deserve to write autobiographies. Unfortunately, when they do, theirs get drowned in the ocean of the negative ones who are richer and more popular. By tradition, you know Nigerians will always promote and accept something that is popular and elegant instead of one that is truthful and honest. This is why you don’t hear trending biographies about Gani Fawehinmi, Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, etc.

All in all, everyone has a right to his own opinion and narrative of events the way he wants people to view them. While autobiographies provide valuable insights into the minds of world leaders, they must be read with a critical eye. Readers must recognize that these books are not always honest reflections of history but are, more often than not, carefully crafted narratives designed to preserve a leader’s legacy. Memoirs of political leaders often serve more as instruments of image control than as genuine historical accounts. The ultimate judgment of political leaders should rest not in the pages of their autobiographies but rather in the lived experiences of their citizens and the tangible impacts of their policies.

I read three autobiographies recently and I found them to be outstanding and honest; Sir Ahmadu Bello’s ‘My Life’, Nelson Mandela’s ‘Long Walk to Freedom’ and Mahatma Gandhi’s ‘The Stories of My Experiments with Truth’. Sardauna’s was simple, least self-glorifying and occasionally self-critical. Mandela’s was strictly a chronicle of collective struggles, only mentioning but leaving out details about subjective issues and cleverly terminating his story to the point he was inaugurated as President. He left the story of his presidency to be told by others. Gandhi’s was the best; when he was literally forced to write his memoirs in 1925, he rather named it ‘my experiments’, it was the translators that added the word ‘autobiography’. He never wanted to write because he believes if your actions are right, there is nothing to boast about it, for the wrong ones, there will always be many people to help you write them.

 

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

A Personal Tribute to Ghali Na’abba

 27^th December, 2023

By: Amir Abdulazeez

 

S

ometime in 2006, I walked into the popular Gidan Akida building, the then Kano State headquarters of the Advanced Congress of Democrats (ACD), a new party formed by the breakaway PDP faction. I was there to inquire on how lowly placed people like us can actively participate in the development of the party. The State Public Relations Officer told me that I have the option of choosing to belong to any of the four main houses within the party; Muhammad Abubakar Rimi, Malam Musa Gwadabe, Alhaji Gwadabe Satatima and Ghali Umar Na’abba.

 When the PRO heard that I cherished them all, but I wanted to work in the Na’abba camp, he congratulated me for choosing to work under a disciplined, courageous and principled politician. Unknown to him, I had already known Ghali Na;abba some ten years before, may be earlier. Apart from being too young to practically know much about the other three political leaders, I have taken time to follow the stewardship of Ghali Na’abba as the Speaker of Nigeria’s House of Representatives for the better part of 1999-2003.

In that same year of 2006, Na’abba declared for the Kano State Governorship. I was genuinely convinced that if elected, he will make Kano one of the most disciplined and organized states in Nigeria. His discipline, confidence and organization have often been misunderstood as arrogance. On this, he has cleared the air on many occasions. From what I know of him, he is a man of few words expressed only when necessary, he has a gentle and reserved personality, the kind of which makes him to never delve into affairs that doesn’t concerns him.

I remember working with like-minds to engage in one of the best intellectual mobilizations any young undergraduates could do to garner support for Na’abba to become Governor at that time. Unfortunately, he withdrew from the governorship race some weeks to the primary elections of the Action Congress (AC), the new party which was the product of a merger between ACD, Bola Tinubu’s Alliance for Democracy (AD) and other groups. Ghali’s withdrawal speech wasn’t detailed, but his arguments were that the process is too manipulated for any honest and disciplined aspirant to withstand. I think that was the last time Ghali contested for any position in his political career. 

Ghali Umar Na’abba was more than a political figure—he was a beacon of integrity, courage, and unwavering dedication to Nigeria. As a former Speaker of the House of Representatives, his legacy resonates far beyond his political tenure. Na’abba's commitment to democratic values and principles shaped the course of Nigeria's political landscape. His leadership during a critical juncture in Nigeria's history marked him as a staunch advocate for transparency and accountability. Beyond politics, he was a symbol of resilience and fearlessness, unafraid to challenge the status quo for the betterment of his nation. His vision for a prosperous, united Nigeria was evident in every action he took and every word he spoke.

Na’abba's tenure as the Speaker of the House of Representatives marked a significant chapter in Nigeria's political history. He was known for his principled stance and his assertive approach in upholding the legislature's independence and separation of powers, particularly in the face of President Olusegun Obasanjo's bullish administration. The Fourth Republic in Nigeria was still in its infancy when Na’abba assumed the role of Speaker. With the country transitioning from years of military rule to a democratic system, the political landscape was rife with challenges. However, Na’abba brought to the forefront a blend of experience, political acumen, and a commitment to legislative oversight. He staunchly believed in the autonomy of the legislative arm of government and its pivotal role in checking the excesses of the executive. This belief set the stage for numerous clashes between the National Assembly, under Na’abba's leadership, and President Obasanjo's administration.

Obasanjo could not have the audacity to unleash his anti-democratic tendencies until Na’abba left the Speakership in 2003. Every Nigerian who witnessed the two tenures of Obasanjo (1999-2007) will testify to this. During his tenure, Na’abba led the House of Representatives with a firm hand, asserting the legislature's independence and challenging executive actions that were deemed against the national interest. One of the notable confrontations arose from the legislature's insistence on its oversight function. Na’abba's House of Representatives was resolute in investigating various issues, including allegations of corruption within the government, regardless of pressure from the executive arm.

It is sad that the many young political followers of today did not have the opportunity to witness and be inspired by the era of great and principled leaders like Ghali Na’abba. They are unlucky and unfortunate to find themselves supporting reckless crooks and shameless greedy people who have turned them to sycophants, social media warriors and other roles that have kept them perpetually stupid. These are some of the reasons that have kept Na’abba on the sidelines since 2007. 

Since 2007, whenever Ghali makes any attempt to reactive his participation in Nigeria’s political landscape, he immediately realizes that there is no space for disciplined people like him. Rather than adjust and follow the trend, he simply retreats and face his private issues. He had always chosen integrity over selfishness. In 2011, his house was burned down in Kano by hooligans because he supported President Jonathan. I have never heard him complain publicly on this treatment meted on him by his own people. As always, he was calm, reserved and simply forged ahead. That was how he permanently minded his business away from the murky, dirty and irresponsible waters of Nigerian partisan politics.

Today, 27^th December, 2023, we have lost Ghali Na’abba, some few months after turning 65 and almost exactly one year part from the death of his mother, another woman of trust, integrity and kindness. May Allah have mercy on them both. Though he may have left this world, his legacy lives on as an inspiration to current and future leaders. Ghali Umar Na’abba's contributions to Nigeria's democratic journey will forever be remembered and cherished, a testament to the enduring power of principle-driven leadership. 

At a point when Kano’s reputation was soared by the Salisu Buhari Toronto certificate scandal, Ghali Naaba, his successor as Speaker worked diligently to give the state a good name nationally and even globally. His active career was short-lived, but he managed to enter the comity of the political all-time greats in the history of Kano State. It now remains to see how the current custodians of the state will work to have his name honoured and legacies preserved.

After surviving numerous blackmails, countless threats and many impeachment attempts as Speaker, President Obasanjo later ganged up with his foot soldiers and garrison commanders in Kano to deny him a return to the National Assembly in 2003. First they failed to stopped him from getting the Kano Municipal PDP ticket and then they later ganged up to work against him and their own party in the General Elections and they succeeded. The fall of Ghali Naabba marked an abrupt end to the era of Legislative Independence and Political courage in Nigeria.

  

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

NYSC: A National Integrator at 50

 25^th May, 2023

By: Amir Abdulazeez

Nigeria is among the leading countries in Africa and the world that have invested so much on national integration over the last 50 years. For the past 10 years, I have been opportune to study different efforts by African, Asian and South American countries towards national unity. For example, Rwanda has achieved a lot with some of its post-genocide reconciliatory schemes. In Nigeria, the NYSC is one policy that has stood the test of time. Although the Nigerian diversity and complexity has proven to be beyond the capacity of the scheme to contain, NYSC had done well by navigating through these years.

This week, the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) marked its 50^th anniversary. It was established in 1973 by the government of General Yakubu Gowon as an aftermath of the Nigerian Civil War. Over the years, the NYSC has become a household symbol and integral part of Nigerian national life. Different families and institutions produce young graduates from different parts of the country who come together to serve their fatherland. They are exposed to diverse cultures and traditions, which promotes understanding and national unity. The scheme has also helped to promote socio-economic development in rural areas, where most corps members are deployed to serve.

The achievements of the NYSC over the past 50 years are numerous. It has produced thousands of corps members who have excelled in various fields of endeavor. Many of them have become successful entrepreneurs, leading politicians, respected academics, and high-ranking civil servants. From one batch of corps members per year, it has now become three batches of multiple streams every year. The scheme is believed by many to have contributed significantly to nation-building by promoting the values of unity, patriotism, and selflessness among Nigerian youths.

NYSC is a unique program that sets it apart from other national service programs in the world. One of the unique aspects of the NYSC program is that it requires all Nigerian graduates to participate, regardless of their social status, religion, or ethnicity. This creates a level playing field where everyone is given an opportunity to serve their country and gain experience. Another unique feature of the NYSC program is that it involves a three-week orientation course for participants, which is held in a campsite away from their homes. During the orientation course, participants are exposed to different cultures, beliefs, traditions, and languages of Nigeria. To some extent, this helps to foster tolerance, understanding and a sense of belonging among participants.

NYSC also promotes national development through its activities. Corps members are posted to different parts of Nigeria to work in various sectors, including education, health, agriculture, and infrastructural development. The program helps to address manpower shortages in rural areas, which helps to bridge the gap between urban and rural development. Furthermore, the NYSC program provides an opportunity for Nigerian graduates to acquire new skills, develop leadership qualities, and gain work experience. This helps to boost their employability and increase their chances of becoming successful in their chosen fields.

However, there have been some challenges over the years. Fifty years after, the achievements of NYSC still look more abstract and vague than tangible and substantial; meaning that Nigeria is yet to see the real impact of the scheme on national development. Some critics have argued that it has outlived its usefulness and is no longer necessary. They claim that the country should by now move beyond the era of national integration and that the resources invested in the NYSC could be better utilized in other areas. Some believe that the NYSC has proven unable to achieve its objectives. Infact, it has started compounding some of the very problems it was initially established to address. In addition to this, there are specific challenges troubling the NYSC.

One of the most significant issues facing the NYSC is security. Over the years, corps members have been victims of various forms of violence, including kidnappings, armed robbery, and assaults. Many parts of the country are considered unsafe for corps members, and this has resulted in the loss of lives and property. The frequent plying of dangerous roads by corps members is another issue. Many young and promising Nigerians have been wasted in the course of serving during the scheme.

Another critical issue is corruption. The NYSC is receiving funding and support from the Federal and State governments as well as some corporate organizations. Despite huge sums of money being budgeted for the scheme, there is lack of essential facilities and resources, including adequate accommodation, transportation, and medical services. Some corps members have been forced to sleep in unfurnished classrooms, while others have to travel long distances to access health care services. In addition, corrupt NYSC officials have rubbished the scheme by conniving with corps members who don’t wish to stay and serve. Allegations of favouritism in posting corps members to lucrative areas of primary assignments in exchange for bribes are everywhere.

After several years of existence, many of the orientation camps lack basic amenities such as electricity, water supply, and sanitation facilities. This has resulted in unsanitary conditions that have led to outbreaks of diseases such as diarrhoea, cholera, and typhoid. There is a need for the government to invest in upgrading the facilities at the orientation camps and ensure that they meet the required standards.

Lack of community support due to ethnic and religious factors and degradation of the once existing respect and welcoming attitude towards corps members have demoralized many.  I remember during our days as corps member in Osun State, some of our colleagues were treated woefully by people who supposed to protect them. Low morale among corps members have thus become a significant challenge. Many corps members are dissatisfied with their conditions of service, including inadequate allowances, harsh living conditions, and poor treatment by some government officials. This has resulted in a decline in the motivation levels of some corps members, which affects their performance and contribution to national development.

Over the years, there have been different criticisms against the NYSC. Many stakeholders and volunteers have made proposals on how the scheme can be reformed. To be fair to the handlers of the scheme, there have been a lot of innovations and improvements over the last 10 years. However, there is still much left to be done. NYSC's 50^th anniversary presents an opportunity for reflection and celebration.  The Federal Government should sit down with stakeholders and conduct a critical review of the scheme and address its challenges. It should receive all the necessary adjustments and modifications that will make it truly impacting on national development and mechanisms should be introduced to measure and evaluate its performance.

On a general note, for the NYSC and any other scheme to succeed in Nigeria, our leaders must have to change their attitudes. While the scheme is working to integrate the country, our leaders are working to divide it for political advantage. While ordinary Nigerians are asked to serve their country with all their strengths, their leaders are serving themselves and their families with all our wealth. While our corps member are told in camp to be good and responsible citizens, their leaders are openly stealing the wealth meant for the betterment of the future. We cannot succeed this way and in a situation like this, no scheme can achieve national integration, not even the NYSC.

 

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

Forty Years Without Aminu Kano

17^th April, 2023

By: Amir Abdulazeez

I

became familiar with politics before the age of ten. One of the contributing factors was having family members who contested for elective positions during the botched 3^rd republic in the early 1990s. I was close to people contesting positions as low as councillorship and as high as president. Whenever they are having discussions, there was one name that comes up frequently and that name was Malam Aminu Kano. At that time, his death was not even 10 years old.

I knew close to nothing about this frequently discussed man then, but I grew up striving to understand more about him. One thing I noticed is that politicians from all affiliations adore him, pray for him and then treat him like a prophet. Whenever, he is mentioned, people get filled with nostalgia. There is virtually no politician in Kano and by extension the greater part of Northern Nigeria who doesn’t want to be associated with the Aminu Kano brand.

From the over thirty years since I first heard his story, I have been struggling to understand more about him.  The deeper I go, the more I realize how special he was. From 2002, when I became much keen on observing and studying Nigerian politics, up to date, I have been very much convinced that majority of the set of people we call politicians today are mere jokers without any vision compared to the likes of Malam Aminu Kano. Only a very few of them have tried to replicate the kind of discipline and honesty he was known for. During their era, the likes of Aminu Kano were in politics for a reason which was never self-centred.

Though known mainly as a politician, emancipator, reformer and activist, Malam was also a great author, orator, mentor and educationist. He is credited with establishing the modern Islamiyyah system that we are operating today. He is also believed to be one of the shapers of mass education as being practiced today. He had touched society positively in many ways other than politics. That is why, we have diverse institutions named after him; roads, schools, hospitals, airports, etc.

At the peak of his powers, Malam was literally the owner of Kano politics, yet he was humble, kind and generous even to his opponents. His honesty was uncommon even for his era, it was reported that one day, the then Kano State Governor, Muhammadu Abubakar Rimi went to visit him with a gift of an electric generator. Malam enquired whether the governor had provided a generator for all the people of Kano State? That was how he rejected it and Rimi had to leave with it. When Malam died, he didn’t leave any wealth for his family. His only house is now a research center managed by Bayero University, Kano.

Today marks exactly 40 years since the demise of this rare human being. Although his ideology, ethics and teachings had remained significant over these years, the people have never stopped mourning him. Every year, his death looks fresh; Malam will be mourned forever. A champion of progressive politics and justice, a defender of the oppressed and down trodden, a true man of the people and a dedicated ad unique statesman. He is among the greatest Nigerians and role model to millions of citizens and leaders. He will remain a reference point for a very long time or may be forever. His history will be written and rewritten severally.

His death marked the end of ideological politics in Northern Nigeria. Personally, I see him as the greatest Kano citizen of all time, at least in the modern era. He has already established a norm by living a life that any right-thinking person will aspire to lead. It is unfortunate that a society like Kano which enjoyed a solid political foundation laid by the likes of Aminu Kano is now governed by the kind of shameless and self-centred people we see today.

While some political leaders have worked hard and tirelessly to sustain the Aminu Kano legacy, many others have been anti-people, playing the politics of self-interest at the expense of the society. The bitter part is that even political crooks and criminals disguising themselves as leaders are claiming to be identifying with the teachings of Aminu Kano. Today, we have so many pretenders who claim to be disciples of the late sage and only people with historical knowledge can unearth their treachery. It is funny that some people even wear his kind of attire bragging to be like him, while in practice they are corrupt, morally bankrupt and don’t adhere to any of his teachings.

It is unfortunate that many that lived with him did not inherit his modesty, honesty and simplicity. Many of the influential people who remember him today only do so hypocritically. They were never sincere about promoting his virtues. People who claim to have him as their role models are stupendously rich beyond rationality while maintaining a questionable character. If he was alive, he will disown most of these pretenders.

Malam Aminu Kano was not rich, he didn’t hold many government positions, he didn’t force people into building a political empire, he wasn’t greedy; but yet, his name has been written in gold and nothing can erase it for the rest of history. The corrupt leaders of today will die to have his kind of name, but they can’t exercise any of his virtues. They are shamelessly hell bent on garnering wealth, wealth and more wealth as if there is no life after death.

All my life, I have aspired to become myself and carve a niche from my own view of life. I had understood very early in life that every human being is unique in his own right and there is no rigid template that everyone must follow to become great. I have been inspired by many great men though, yet I feel I still enjoy being myself. However, for every rule there is an exception; from what I’ve gathered about Malam Aminu Kano, he is that one person I can give up everything just to be exactly like him.

 

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez