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Wednesday, June 15, 2022

More Clarifications Ahead of 2023

 15th June, 2022


By: Amir Abdulazeez

W

hen President Obasanjo carelessly picked Goodluck Jonathan to serve as ‘Yaradua’s potential Vice President in 2007, little did we know that the politics of picking running mates will later become complex and problematic. The death of Ummaru, ascension of Jonathan, surprise emergence of Namadi Sambo and Patrick Yakowa becoming the first Christian Civilian Governor of Kaduna State would all combine to later add more relevance to the politics of running mate selection. In 2014, APC had more headache in picking a presidential running mate than the presidential candidate himself. It took them so much time and effort that one thought they will organize a fresh convention for that purpose.

Today, the Muslim-Muslim ticket debacle is the bane of Nigerian political discourse. While clamouring for fairness and balance which are needed for a fragile system like Nigeria’s, we should also remember that from 1999 to date, no religion can claim any net gain from this Nigerian version of democracy. Ordinary followers of all religions have been victims of bad governance, even pagans. We have suffered so much so that if a pagan/pagan ticket will eradicate insecurity, fix the economy and bring development while being fair to all interests and affiliations, we should allow it. Therefore, the choice is between searching for solutions and satisfying sentiments; we seem to favour the latter.

A section of public commentators and spectators are already suggesting a walkover for Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 polls. That is the biggest complacency I have ever seen in contemporary Nigerian politics. How can you be facing a ruling party with almost 65% of political stakeholdership in the country and be expecting to have a walkover? Atiku is an institution but his successes in the last two PDP primaries is more of financial supremacy than political dominance. That aside, barring a Buhari-like scenario, Atiku will definitely make a good president. He is perhaps the only fully independent candidate with a clear and accessible blueprint since 2007. In 2011, he had a better manifesto and approach than President Goodluck Jonathan; he only lost the PDP primaries to the power of incumbency. By the way, what happened to the Jonathan 2023 candidacy?

From 1992, this is Atiku’s 7th attempt at the Presidency with 2019 being his closest to success. Many believe 2023 is his year and so many obvious factors call for optimism in his camp. However, there are two fundamental things that may haunt Waziri; (in)consistency and (un)popularity. Buhari and Tinubu are successfully reaping the harvests of consistency and perseverance; they sticked to opposition politics all their lives. Atiku should’ve remained in opposition when he decamped to Action Congress in 2007 or should’ve remained in the ruling PDP when he decamped back in 2011. Ambition had kept him running from one place to another making him neither establishment nor anti-establishment. The second question is whether there is a single state in Nigeria which Atiku can secure one million votes or more in 2023? I hope we all remember Dr. Rabi’u Kwankwaso’s 3-K States theory?

Tinubu’s boast in Ogun State over his role in the emergence of Buhari as President needs some revisiting and clarification. For the avoidance of doubt, Muhammadu Buhari did not lose the 2003 presidential elections, it was brutally rigged to return Obasanjo for a second term. 2003 will easily enter the list of the worst elections in modern world history. In 2007, the presidential elections results were simply written, so we can’t even call that election not to talk of who won or lost. I have never relied on 2003 and 2007 election figures for any research or serious analysis, because they are largely fabricated. The 2011 elections were relatively fair but at least 40% of the vote was rigged, written or simply inflated especially in the South-South and South-East.

In circumstances like these, we cannot comfortably declare Buhari a loser of all the previous elections he contested and only became a winner when he met Tinubu. It is true that 2015 was the weakest version of political Buhari, it was true that he had lost hope and that the APC merger spearheaded by Tinubu was what brought him back to life. But it is also true that so many other factors other than Tinubu contributed crucially to Buhari’s victory, one major one was the abysmal performance of Goodluck Jonathan. One thing that is however certain is that, without Tinubu’s support, it would’ve been near impossible for Buhari to emerge APC flagbearer against the financial powerhouses in Kwankwaso and Atiku.

This brings us to the argument of access to public funds as the reason why some candidates (not aspirants) are stronger than others. Supporters of a particular presidential candidate even claimed that if their man had equal access to public funds, he would be better than certain candidates. This is laughable; a debate like this will take us nowhere. Just campaign for your candidate and persuade people to vote for him. If we are talking about the abuse of peoples trust and the utilization of our commonwealth for personal political development, none of the major politicians in Nigeria will come out clean. So, let us not deceive ourselves and others.

Where are our smaller political parties who had spent most of their last four years fighting INEC over deregistration? This is a good amount of time they would’ve spent in coming together to form a strong bloc. In case we don’t know, 74 of them were deregistered for failing to meet the requirements to continue to exist as political parties. Probably about 10 to 15 of the currently existing will be due for deregistration by this time next year. Instead of them to consider merging to form a decent alternative, they’ll rather hang on only to be fighting a legal survival battle with INEC next year. As the strongest and largest intellectual organization in West Africa, I don’t even know why ASUU is yet to form a political party or adopt any of the smaller parties to set up a path towards satisfying their own demands all by themselves instead for waiting and hoping for a hopeless Federal Government.

Why is nobody talking about the enormous task ahead of the next president whom credible international reports suggest will have to use 100% of his revenue in servicing (not repaying) debts by 2024? To execute projects or even pay salaries, the next government may have to borrow further. Nigeria is in trouble, we are drowning in the ocean of foreign debts, meanwhile we are concerned over the religion of a presidential candidate more than his ability to bring us out of this mess. Buhari has failed because Jonathan had built a solid foundation for that failure. Now he has built a worse foundation for his successor. Ladies and gentlemen, the possibility and danger of the next president irrespective of his affiliation and preparedness to economically be worse than Buhari is imminent. May God help us.

All of the political dynamics of today are closely related to that of 1999, some a bit earlier. If you have not directly experienced Nigerian political development from 1999 with a mix of some pre-1999 historical knowledge, you will find it difficult if not impossible to connect certain dots that you see today. Extensive and intensive reading may help, but politely interacting with veterans will do better. Social media where most of the political debates occur is dominated by youths who knew little or nothing pre-2011 and don’t invest significant time in reading but trying to engage or even confront the same veterans that would’ve been their best opportunity at understanding the genesis of the current situation.

There are some visible changes in Nigeria’s socio-political spaces, although not new but have taken a different twist from the previous. The renewed order is the attempt to criminalize certain political choices against others. Between 2014 to 2018, discourses were dominated by hate, campaigns of calumny, fabrications and outright abuse. Today, political promoters are trying hard to make it appear that only their candidates are good enough and any other choice is treason. This is extremism, let’s be careful, everything is a matter of opinion and everyone is entitled to his.

 

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

Friday, June 10, 2022

Some Clarifications Ahead of 2023

 10th June, 2022

By: Amir Abdulazeez


T

he primary elections of the two leading political parties, APC and PDP had come and gone. The dusts raised by the exercises across various states of the federation are yet to settle. As things are currently going, it is unlikely that the primary election appeal committees of both parties will adequately or significantly settle these dusts to the extent of amounting to a major change of the status quo. Afterall everything was clear, the contests were majorly a measure of financial power.

As usual, our attempts to digest the intrigues and expectations of the upcoming grand 2023 event has once again resulted to endless debates that often lead to more confusions than clarifications. Certain political dynamics cannot be adequately explained by simple analysis or even complex ones. This is truer for cases like Nigeria where deep insight is considered old fashioned, authentic information is always scarce and genuine narratives are always twisted.

Ahead of the just concluded APC Primaries, many accused Yemi Osinbajo of being a traitor and betrayer by contesting against his benefactor Tinubu. However, few people will understand that only one out of a million people will go so close to the presidency like Osinbajo did without succumbing to the temptation of taking a shot at it. The cabal-theory notwithstanding, he is perhaps the Nigerian Vice President who was closest to the full privileges of the presidency in recent history. At a time, the Professor himself appeared like the next president in waiting. In sincere terms, Osinbajo may feel that running for the Presidency is more of an attempt to fulfil a destiny than betraying a godfather whose help he may not need any longer.

May be, many have forgotten, the Vice President had at a time been an Acting President with virtually full Presidential powers. He is aware of people's confidence in his competence and he quite knows that there are many factors against Tinubu's candidacy. With the Southwest as the default region where APC will likely have its next candidate, it is only natural he (the second default candidate) tries his luck in case Tinubu (the default candidate) does not get the nod. If he doesn't contest, how can he cash in on a Tinubu collapse? If he hadn’t contested, his promoters would never have forgiven him. Now that he had contested, he knows the extents and limits of his political strengths which might have been hitherto exaggerated.

Some analysts have accused Tinubu of trying to become President at all cost despite being sick and unstable. What we have forgotten is that, he had since 1998 invested almost 25 years of his life (and health) trying to reach this point and we all know he will need an ultimate reward at the end of it all. Now that the reward is within reach, only one out of a million people will back off over health challenges that are yet to prevent him from managing a public appearance. When he was making all those sacrifices and concessions, many of us did not bother to understand the larger picture of where he was heading to. If not for democracy, one will suggest that, the APC ticket should’ve been handed over to him unopposed

Therefore, Tinubu has fought for long, he has been in the opposition all his life, he has helped build a new political order in Nigeria. Without him, power will still likely be with the PDP now and may be forever. It's not his making that his health appears to be failing him at this moment of near fulfilment, but as a human he will continue believing his condition is good enough to manage him to the finish line. The Late President Ƴaradua’s situation in 2010 should teach us some lessons, that of Buhari in 2017 too. Tinubu is certainly not the best APC had on offer capacity-wise, but he is the most formidable, his political structure is out of this world. Win or lose, at least they have repaid a significant part of the debt they owe him.

In the build up to the primaries, we all thought everyone was an enemy of the South east since the rest of Nigeria had refused to exclusively zone the presidency to the region. In his speech at the APC convention, Ogbonnaya Onu emotionally shouted for justice against the Igbo marginalization. If not for the APC and PDP Southeast delegates who proved the Igbos unpreparedness by refusing to vote for any of their kinsmen, everyone will simply be emotionally blackmailed. Besides, we have all seen how disorganized the Southeast aspirants were across both parties.

In 2003 to 2010, the South east was considered a strong political bloc, but they wasted opportunity after opportunity to consolidate, instead they focused on ethnic and religious politics. Conceding the Presidency to the Southwest in 1999 was largely a Military arrangement executed against democratic principles. The southeast demanding same in a maturing democracy is quite difficult. In this era, no one will dash you the Presidency, you have to earn it.

Another aspirant is NNPP’s Rabi’u Kwankwaso whose critics accuse of being a local champion. However, his supporters insist on rating him higher than Atiku and Tinubu base on tangible track record. However, the debate is not as simple as it seems. The same scale cannot be used to measure Tinubu, Kwankwaso and especially Atiku as their political career paths are distinctively different. The truth is Kwankwaso is a national figure who has invested too much energy on local politics and that was why he was able to achieve what he has achieved. This has come with a price though because he has dominated and taken away all the local relevance that he could’ve easily allowed his subordinates to coordinate, a feat that would’ve given him a Tinubu-like aura. At the end, he ends up fighting for crumbs with local people that makes him unavoidably more local than national.

What of Peter Obi? He appears to have more packaging than substance but, he is yet another litmus test for the Southeast. They feel denied, marginalized and short-changed. Their response should be a massive vote for him even if he may not win, they will succeed in sending a strong message ahead of 2027. However, there is a wiser option. They can use Petr Obi as bargaining tool with someone like Kwankwaso for example; form an alliance, challenge the red-cap man to deliver the Northwest zone while they offer southeast and see whether something will come out of it.

The bottom line is that we don't need to be too much upset or over obsessed with anybody's ambition, any region's miscalculations or any party's misdirection. There are so many choices in the political landscape which our myopia is hindering us from utilizing. For example, if you truly want an Igbo president, Labour party has fielded Peter Obi, if you want somebody whose hands is not shaking, NNPP has fielded Kwankwaso, etc. Quietly do the needful and enjoin others to do same. Give it try, the strong parties and candidates are only frontliners because you and me made them so.

Nigerian public discourse often makes complex political analysis look simple and simple political analysis look complex. And finally, we end up achieving no political analysis at all.


Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez