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Friday, December 19, 2014

10 Things We Learnt from the APC and PDP Primaries

19th December, 2014


By: Amir Abdulazeez

T
he primary elections of Nigeria’s two strongest political parties, the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) might have come and gone, but the dusts raised by the exercises across various states of the federation are yet to settle. As things are currently going, it is unlikely that the primary election appeal committees of both parties will adequately or significantly settle these dusts so much that it will amount to a major change of the status quo.

Petitions, accusations, allegations and counter allegations from different aspirants may have to be settled by the courts as INEC’s deadline for accepting nominations of some candidates from political parties has elapsed.
For better or for worse, these nomination processes by the two biggest parties have taught us some lessons, some of which were so funny to the extent that one occasionally finds it difficult to differentiate between Nigerian politics and comedy. From the expected and usual to the bizarre and unexpected, here are some of these things are;

Aspirants Only Unite After Losing Primaries;
This year’s elections have seen a lot of contenders for different positions with some states having from between 10 to 15 gubernatorial aspirants in one party alone. Ideally, one expects all the aspirants to have one major goal, that of using the office they are vying for to better peoples’ lives and the only differences between them should be in methods and approaches to achieving that goal. In the pursuit of their mandates, they differ very much. While some are craving for free and credible primaries, some are clamouring for zoning, some want automatic tickets while others are waiting for anointment. However, once the primaries are over and the ‘winner’ emerges, the defeated aspirants will for the right or wrong reasons gang up and suddenly unite under one agenda, call for fresh primaries. Aspirants with hitherto no connections or even sharing animosities, suddenly become partners searching for justice. A lot of PDP Gubernatorial Primaries have resulted in such scenarios with Yobe, Adamawa, Kano and Imo been typical examples. The APC has a similar case in Gombe.

APC Is Merged but Not Integrated;
From early to late last year, the ANPP, ACN, CPC, APGA Faction, nPDP and others merged to form the APC with some coming after the party’s formal registration. However, the recent primaries in some states showed that they didn’t really merge; the only glued or fastened together. In many states, there was rancour over what they termed ‘marginalization of legacy parties’ or ‘scheming out of non-legacy parties’, etc. in other states, candidates were ‘allocated’ based on legacy or merging parties. A senatorial aspirant in Kano State only remembered that he was a former ACN member after he lost the primaries. One of the reasons he gave why the primaries should be annulled was that ACN was marginalized in the state.

Consensus Is More like Coercion;
The issue of consensus candidate is not new in our politics, but it was practically kicked off this term by the PDP and President Jonathan. PDP undemocratically barred anyone from contesting against the president, despite the fact that nothing suggests that Jonathan will not win the PDP primaries with a landslide against whoever decides to contest. Although a convention was later organized to ratify Jonathan’s candidacy, we also learnt from that convention that all this while, the PDP National Chairman and Secretary have been in acting capacity.
Furthermore, most candidates who were claimed to have stepped down base on consensus arrangement, later turned back and kicked against the consensus arrangement, citing coercion, threat and potential injustice for their withdrawal. In Jigawa State, the former Deputy Governor of the state emerged as APC gubernatorial candidate through consensus, only for one of the other aspirants to make a u-turn and insists on primaries. That aspirant won, but the earlier consensus candidate did not participate in the primaries.

Elections May Not Hold in Emergency States;
No party held meaningful primaries in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe. While the PDP shifted its primaries for these states to Abuja, most of the APC’s candidates emerged unopposed. For example APC governorship aspirants in Yobe were frustrated out of the race to pave way for the emergence of Governor Ibrahim Gaidam almost unopposed as flag-bearer. Some ‘non-favoured’ APC aspirants ran between Damaturu and Abuja in search of where to submit their forms, with some of them not being able to do so up to the time of the primaries. Governor Shettima as well as almost all Borno APC candidates emerged automatically. However, the party conducted successful primaries in Adamawa.
The PDP, for security reasons conducted its own primaries for some of these states in Abuja. Nuhu Ribadu emerged Adamawa PDP candidate in what looked like a one-way traffic process with almost all the candidates including Governor Ngilari rejecting the outcome. Earlier before the primaries the Adamawa Governor according to media reports promised all the delegates automatic employment worth N50,000 monthly, but still went ahead to ‘lose’.
If the mighty Ruling Party cannot conduct primaries in a place for security reasons, then, how secure is that place for General Elections?

Nigerians Have No Stake in Determining Flag-bearers, there is No End in Sight to Godfatherism and Nigerian Governors are Simply Unstoppable;
The most popular aspirants usually lose in the primaries, leaving voters to elect between whomever candidates the party primaries produce for them in the general elections.
Early this year, APC embarked on a massive membership drive promising Nigerians that they would be given the opportunity to choose their leaders through direct primaries. However, since after the enormously successful membership registration exercise, the party began to systematically distance itself from that promise, until it eventually settled for what it called ‘modified indirect primaries’. That arrangement has seen only 6,008 delegates select a Presidential Candidate for more than 170 million people.
PDP’s case is even worse in all ramifications as about 3000 delegates were made to vote for just one contender. Also, 21 delegates were alleged to have determined the PDP gubernatorial candidate for the whole of Yobe State. We also learnt, especially from the PDP primaries that delegates may be different from voters and that it is not the voting that matters, but the counting.
Godfathers, most of who are governors have continued their dictatorial trend of dominating politics left, right and center. Governors’ favoured aspirants are winning primaries with ‘ease’ and by the governors forcing themselves as senatorial candidates; they are now well positioned to take over the Red Chamber in 2015. Meanwhile, the abysmal performance of deputy governors in primary elections continues. It is safe to assume that no less than 90% of Deputy Governors covertly or overtly nurtured the ambition of flying their party’s flags, but only two (Kano and Ebonyi) succeeded, others failed woefully.
Simply put, success in Nigerian politics is fast becoming an impossibility without a godfather. Even the mighty Buhari had to rely on Tinubu’s support to be sure of victory.

Jonathan is Focused on His Ambition;
It is clear that Jonathan is strictly focused on his ambition, leaving little or no room for distractions. This is evident, going by the fact that most of his men failed to clinch the various tickets they contested for. With the exception of Darius Ishaku (Taraba) and Nyesom Wike (Rivers), none of his former ministers managed to scale through the PDP gubernatorial primaries and events suggests that Jonathan did little to help.
Despite being part of Jonathan’s kitchen cabinet, some ministers like that of FCT simply refused to participate in the PDP gubernatorial race probably due to lack of encouragement from the President. It looks like Jonathan did not take sides directly and didn’t get involved much in PDP state primaries, probably as a pay back to his sole candidacy or to avoid any move that could backfire. Internal revolt is the least Jonathan would want at the moment.

APC is PDP’s Waste Basket;
A rough estimate suggests that between 60 to 80% of all successful APC candidates at all levels are either former PDP members or those who left the PDP recently.
Many aspirants joined APC from PDP within days or hours and went ahead to clinch gubernatorial tickets. Akwa-Ibom, Kebbi and Benue states are typical examples. It would be interesting to see if APC would complain if these guys keep to tradition and later re-join the PDP after they win.
The other twenty or thirty something remaining political parties are no more than anyone’s waste basket. Only few of them conducted meaningful and visible primaries with most of their notable candidates emerging after crossing over from other parties.

It Is Possible To Contest for Two Posts at a Time;
This phenomenon practically began with Tambuwal who was eyeing both the APC Presidential and the Sokoto State Governorship Tickets. Media reports suggest that he has obtained nomination forms for both positions. However, he later settled for the governorship.
Kwankwaso and Rochas successfully executed what Tambuwal only attempted. They may not have broken any law, but their actions are simply insulting on peoples’ sensibilities. It was very much clear that Kwankwaso was eyeing the Kano Central Senatorial Ticket even as he was vigorously pursuing a clearly predictable presidential contest. Kwankwaso made sure that his in-law, former Personal Assistant and current Commissioner clinched the Kano Central APC Senatorial Ticket and after he lost the APC Presidential Primaries, the ticket was relinquished to him, just as one’s personal property would be returned to him when he comes for it. Rochas practically did the same by apparently asking his commissioner to take custody of the Imo APC Gubernatorial Ticket for him before he collected it back almost on the very day he lost the presidential primaries. One wonders how APC allowed that without any query so far.

Being Running Mate Is More Difficult Than Being Candidate;
Vice president Namadi Sambo’s seat was under threat for much part of their second coming with Jonathan. It was clear that in the past 2 years that some Northern PDP Governors were not eyeing the Presidency but the Vice Presidency which made Sambo’s position looked insecure for some time.
Similarly, the choice of Buhari’s running mate gave the APC’s top hierarchy a tough time with meetings running into marathons. Before succumbing to religious propaganda which probably necessitated the emergence of Professor Osinbajo, they had to seriously contend with more than 7 names with Amaechi, Oshiomole, Tinubu and Fashola among them. The APC VP slot was fiercely contested to the point one thought the party would organize a fresh convention to elect a VP Candidate.
Similar scenarios is playing out in some states where Gubernatorial Candidates are yet to determine their Running Mates weeks after primaries, even as INEC candidates’ submission deadline is fast approaching.

2015 Elections Would Not Be Free and Fair;
Going by the controversial nature by which many candidates emerged; one has every reason to be pessimistic about the General Elections. Many unpopular incumbents had forced themselves through the primaries and are probably hell bent on rigging themselves through the General Elections.
President Jonathan for example who has one of the poorest public ratings in Africa currently and whose eligibility to contest is still controversial, must be very conscious of this, and he wouldn’t have decided to contest if he was willing to allow a free, fair, smooth and credible election to take place. The way he emerged as PDP’s sole candidate only adds possibility to this assumption.
Furthermore, with many primaries of both parties dominated by money sharing, coercion of delegates, rigging, do-or-die attitude, winning-at-all-costs and winner-takes-all phenomena, one only has to wonder the extent to which candidates that emerged from such processes would go in trying to win at the general elections.
With INEC being handicapped by the Electoral Act from fighting candidate imposition, refusing to accept flawed nominations or even properly checkmating rigging, anything can happen in 2015.  

Sunday, November 9, 2014

The Sad Political Fate of Nigerian Deputy Governors

                                                                                                                            8th November, 2014

By: Amir Abdulazeez

I
t is now time for us to ask Nigerian Governors on why they do not want their deputies to succeed them. Alternatively, we may ask the Deputy Governors as to what are their sins which are so dreadful that their bosses wouldn’t want them to succeed them. A Deputy Governor should naturally be the person with the best chance to succeed an outgoing Governor, going by the fact that he is constitutionally mandated to take over from him in the event of any unforeseen circumstance like death, impeachment or incapacitation.  Furthermore, a Deputy is seen as the closest working ally of his principal and probably that’s why the constitution gave an exclusive right to the Governor to determine his running mate. However, this is not the case here in Nigeria, particularly in this dispensation.

Since the beginning of this 4th republic, after the return of democracy in 1999 up to today, only one Deputy Governor has been able to succeed his boss with the consent of that boss. That man is the former Governor and former Deputy Governor of Zamfara State, Alhaji Mahmud Aliyu Shinkafi, who succeeded Senator Ahmad Sani Yariman Bakura. Meanwhile, midway through Shinkafi’s tenure, he fell out with Senator Ahmad Sani and the Governor had to decamp to PDP from ANPP where he eventually lost out to the Senator’s candidate in 2011.

There are a handful of other Deputy Governors that were able to succeed their Governors whose seats were made vacant by divine occurrences like death and by controversial circumstances like impeachments or through some one form of political crises or the other. For example Dr. Goodluck Jonathan succeeded Chief Diepreye Alamasiegha (one of only two Governors in Nigeria that were successfully impeached without staging a come-back through the courts, the other is Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State and probably Murtala Nyako of Adamawa if he loses his case in court) as Governor of Bayelsa State after the Bayelsa State House of Assembly impeached the latter on the grounds of corruption and money laundering.  Mukhtar Ramalan Yero of Kaduna State and Ibrahim Geidam of Yobe State, hitherto Deputy Governors, became Governors after the deaths of Sir Patrick Yakowa (plane crash) and Senator Mamman Ali (illness) respectively. Adebayo Alao Akala of Oyo State became Governor for a brief spell after Governor Rashidi Ladoja was controversially impeached before the courts restored him to power. Late Michael Botmang of Plateau State became Governor briefly after the Plateau State House of Assembly were allegedly forced to controversially impeach Chief Joshua Dariye but was later restored to power by the courts, few weeks before the end of his tenure. Mr. Peter Gregory Obi of Anambra State was impeached in similar circumstances and Madam Virgin Etiaba became Governor briefly before the courts reinstated him. Recently, former Adamawa State Deputy Governor, Barrister Bala James Ngilari became Governor after a political drama involving him, his boss and the State House of Assembly unfolded. Up till now, Ngilari’s former boss Murtala Nyako is still contesting his impeachment in court, making it likely for him to return and relegate Ngilari to his former position.

Away from impeachments, political crises and battles brought some Deputy Governors to power. Aliyu Wammako, the current Governor of Sokoto State became Governor after one of the fiercest political battles with his former boss, Attahiru Dalhatu Bafarawa. Wammako resigned, left the ANPP to the PDP and with the Federal Government’s backing, defeated Bafarawa’s candidate who contested under DPP.

All the above Deputy Governors became Governors without a slight proof indicating that they will be supported by their bosses to succeed them without the occurrence of the various circumstances that brought them to power.

Currently, in Taraba, it is not of the wish of Governor Danbaba Suntai’s closest men and loyalists that the Deputy Governor and Acting Governor, Garba Umar (who has been acting since Suntai was away for 25 months) who is currently governing the state, despite the fact that they should be more concerned with helping Suntai to fully regain his health. It is interesting to note that Suntai was alleged to have masterminded the ouster of his former Deputy and have him replaced with the current Acting Governor some few weeks before his tragic plane crash. The former Deputy Governor has been challenging his removal and it was only after a recent court ruling against him that prevented us from seeing more drama in Taraba. One would naturally assume that Suntai’s men would be comfortable with the Acting Governor since he was the most recent recruit of Suntai.

Apart from all these, we have seen how Governors and their deputies have lived with bad blood and misunderstanding between them, in some cases just because the deputies have shown interest in succeeding them.  May be it is the fault of the Deputy Governors because it seems all of them have only one ambition, that of succeeding their bosses. Probably, if they pursue other ambitions, they might have succeeded. However, a particular Deputy Governor, having known so well that his boss will not support him if he decides to succeed him, went for a senatorial ticket under the PDP. Incidentally, his boss was also eyeing a senatorial seat of a different constituency. The Governor was alleged to have denied his Deputy the senatorial ticket on the ground that he cannot sit on equal terms in the same chamber with his former Deputy.

Some Governors have forced their deputies out of office through politically motivated impeachments and or consistent persecutions and denial of responsibilities as we witnessed recently in Imo and Enugu States. Some bizarre excuses as trivial as running poultry in Government House were relied upon in impeaching some Deputy Governors.

In Jigawa State, former Governor Ibrahim Saminu Turaki served his 8 years with three deputies and in Bauchi, Governor Yuguda had to part with Garba Gadi in controversial circumstances. In other states like Kano, we have seen how former Governor Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau did not end well with the two Deputy Governors that served him, both tried to succeed him.

The refusal of some Deputy Governors to defect with their Governors and the counter defections of some Deputy Governors to different political parties from their bosses also indicate a sign of silent internal conflicts between most Nigerian Governors and their deputies.

Sometimes, it looks as if the fault is from the Deputy Governors, but we have seen cases where some deputies have been very loyal and obedient to their bosses for 8 years, some of them seem like worshiping the Governors and this often makes them too inferior, humiliating and very unpopular especially if the Governor is also not popular with the people, but more often than not, this loyalty counts for nothing at the end. Instead of the Governors to reward with their support, they end up supporting their SSGs, commissioners or even party stalwarts outside their cabinets. In other cases, they will support a complete outsider. For example Late Yakowa (Makarfi’s Deputy) was there and willing to serve, when Governor Ahmed Makarfi anointed Namadi Sambo, a complete outsider (Sambo had not even been a PDP member six months earlier, and after his victory had to be prompted to remember the party slogan) and still asked Yakowa to serve as Sambo’s Deputy which Yakowa patiently did. Former Kano Deputy Governor, Abdullahi Gwarzo was there and interested, when Shekarau anointed his commissioner (although he was also his personal friend). This happened with Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed of Kwara who was Bukola Saraki’s Commissioner; Governor Kashim Shettima of Borno was Ali Modu Sheriff’s Commissioner; Godswill Akpabio of Akwa-Ibom State was Obong Victor Attah’s former Commissioner; Governor Gabriel Suswam of Benue, who was a House of Representatives Member was preferred by George Akume to his Deputy; Governor Liyel Imoke of Cross Rivers, a former senator was preferred by Donald Duke to his Deputy. The list can go on and on, but you will not hear the name of a single Deputy Governor. Any other person is better in the eyes of a Governor than his Deputy. This is inspite of the fact that most deputies possess the relevant and pre-requisite experience to continue from where the Governor stops.

Apart from President Jonathan and some few Deputy Governors in the Senate Chamber and some very few others that became Ministers, almost all the people who became deputy governors from 1999 to date have had their political careers brought to an abrupt end, simply because their Governors only see them as mere spare tyres that doesn’t deserve anything better. Even Jonathan probably wouldn't have become what he is today, if his boss wasn't impeached or if his fate had depended on the boss and not on the events that unfolded.

Section 187 of the 1999 constitution has identified a Deputy Governor as someone whom the office of the Governor cannot come into existence and operation without. This officially shows that, no one is close to the Governor and deserves the Governor’s trust like his Deputy; after all he was the one who chose him in the first place. But why is it that, the Governors do not want to support their deputies? Some people accept to serve as Deputy Governors in the first place with the hope that after the boss completes his tenure; he will be supported by him to continue. Our assumption is that anyone whom you work with as your second in command for four or eight years would be the best man to succeed you.

Is it that these deputies are so unpopular that they cannot win elections on their own, that’s why the Governors don’t support them? Or is it that they were accidentally chosen by the Governors in the first place or they were imposed on them by consensus or circumstance and they were never their choices? Are the Governors afraid of betrayal from their deputies if they succeed them? The loyalty and obedience we see from the Deputy Governors are just done in the open but that’s not the real case meaning they may be hypocrites? Are the Governors jealous and wicked or are they afraid that they cannot control the deputies when they hand over power to them?

I cannot provide a satisfying answer to any of the questions above. Only the Governors and the deputies can do that. But, I once heard from a reliable source, when a Deputy Governor was handing over to another Deputy Governor in a state in his office, here was what he told him: ‘my brother, the Deputy Governorship is the most difficult political office in Nigeria because, when the Governor performs well, he takes the credit alone and when he performs woefully, you share the blame’. True or false, this statement reflects some form of reality.

There are some Governors who are fair enough by deliberately recruiting politically weak, old and unambitious Deputy Governors who would be more than happy to serve only as deputies and would not trouble them with any succession bid. It is alleged that some even tell their potential running mates point blank that they are not going to succeed them; others even make it a condition. It is really confusing as to why someone would mistrust a very loyal number two with power.

As 2015 election draws near, it appears, with the exception of probably Kano State, there is no single state in Nigeria where a serving Deputy Governor is seen as a front line contestant or a powerful candidate. Even if there exist, there is no strong indication that such deputies would be supported by their Governors. This is the sad political fate of Nigerian Deputy Governors.

We now wait to see whether there would be an unlikely change to this phenomenon in 2015. If that doesn't change, I would personally advice any person who has the ambition of becoming Governor in Nigeria, never to accept the position of Deputy Governor, because it is a minus rather than a plus to his ambition. Governors are very powerful in Nigeria and they don’t give a damn on the ambition of their deputies.

However, despite all these, we should remember that power comes from God alone and maybe He hasn't decided to give it to the deputy Governors!

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

Tuesday, September 23, 2014

Jonathan's 'Third' Term: An Open Letter to PDP National Chairman by Umar Ardo

Dear Sir,

Constitutional Impediments to President Jonathan’s Candidacy in 2015

Introduction
Any person of average intellect who read the 1999 constitution (as amended) along with four key judgments of the Supreme Court (INEC Vs Boni Haruna, Peter Obi Vs Chris Ngige, Ladoja Vs INEC and INEC Vs 5 PDP Governors) would easily conclude that President Jonathan’s eligibility to contest for another 4-year term in 2015 or at any other time thereafter under the present constitution is impeded. This argument is premised on the fact that what constitutionally applies to the governor on the issue of eligibility or otherwise to contest elections is ipso facto applicable to the president. In those judgments, the apex court had established the relationship between the governor and his deputy on the issue of succession (Boni Haruna); determined the holding of office in a term at 4 years (Peter Obi); affirmed that a governor can stay less but not more than 4 years in a term (Ladoja); and declared that tenure of the executive in office is a cumulative maximum period of 8 years and not a day longer (5 PDP governors). By 29 May 2015, President Jonathan would be 5 years 23 days as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. If the president contests and wins the 2015 presidential elections or at any other time later, he will exceed the cumulative tenure of 8 years maximum period as interpreted by the Supreme Court. Therefore such a contest will be unconstitutional.

The Argument
The 1999 constitution (as amended) provides a term of 4 years and another term of 4 years and no more for the executive. The Supreme Court, in the case of INEC Vs the 5 PDP Governors (Idris, Nyako, Wamako, Sylva and Imoke), interpreted this provision as a maximum of 8 years cumulative tenure. The Court said it can be less for an individual but certainly not more. With this interpretation, the Supreme Court removed 5 governors from office and necessitated for the amendment of sections 135 and 180 of the constitution. With 5 years 23 days to his credit as president, would President Jonathan’s contest for another term of 4 years not violate the provisions of the constitution as interpreted by the Apex Court? Since all presidential elections are for a 4-year term, we definitely need a clear judicial answer to this question.
In determining the issue of tenure in that case, the Supreme Court adopted two basic principles in its interpretation of the constitution in calculating the 4-year tenure system. Firstly, that a Governor – and a President – is elected for four years and eligible to re-election for another four years and no more. On the basis of that the Supreme Court declared:
“In all a governor has a maximum tenure of eight (8) years under the 1999 constitution. It is very clear from the relevant provisions that no person elected under the 1999 Constitution can remain in that office for a day longer than provided otherwise the intention of the framers of the constitution would be defeated”, and added pointedly that “The 1999 Constitution has no room for self–succession for a cumulative tenure exceeding eight years”.
Explicitly, this means that the cumulative 8 years tenure can be in bit and pieces, so to speak. It also means that in computing President Jonathan’s maximum of 8 years tenure, the 1 year 23 days he held as president between May 6, 2010 and May 29, 2011 will be counted. Other two points being made also are first, all tenures of office of the executive emanate from the two 4-year terms; and second, it really does not matter how one constitutionally comes into office, what matters is one does not remain in that office a day beyond cumulative 8 years.
Secondly, the Supreme Court adopts the principle that so long as “the acts performed during the period in office remain valid and subsisting”, then the oath taken empowering the performing of those acts also remains valid and becomes the starting point in calculating the cumulative 8 years tenure of office. It is on record that all the acts President Jonathan performed between May 6, 2010 and May 29, 2011, including the Electoral Act that was used to re-elect him in 2011, are all valid and subsisting. Therefore, to calculate the tenure of office of President Jonathan from May 29, 2011 when he was sworn-in as duly elected President and ignore the period from May 6, 2010 when he was first sworn-in as President, is to close our eyes to what is real and concrete thereby extending for the President a period in office beyond the maximum 8 years tenure for the executive. If the President contests and wins another four-year term in 2015, he would have self-succeeded himself in office as president for a cumulative period of 9 years 23 days.
It is also worthy to note that President Jonathan’s only claim of right to contest another term of 4 years is solely hinged on the disqualification clause in Section 137 sub-Section 1 (b) of the constitution that says “if he has been elected to the office of president at any two previous elections”. This is the clause upon which Justice Oniyangi of the FCT High Court (referred to below) mainly based the argument of his judgment. It is true Jonathan was not elected as president in any two previous elections, but this provision must also be looked at vis-à-vis the maximum tenure of 8 years prefix. The question therefore is if electing a person two times will give him a cumulative period in office beyond the 8 years bracket, will he still be eligible to contest such two terms of 4 years to that office? I think the answer, to my understanding of the logic and conclusion of the Supreme Court judgment, is in the negative.
Besides, if Section 137 sub-Section 1 (b) is President Jonathan’s only ‘qualification’ to contest, then same will be applicable to Boni Haruna in Adamawa, Rotimi Amechie in Rivers and Ibrahim Gaidam in Yobe states under Section 182 sub-Section 1 (b). Technically speaking, like President Jonathan, these men were also not elected at any two previous elections as governors of their respective states. All of them, again like President Jonathan, assumed office through some constitutional means after election and commencement of terms. Does it mean that they are all eligible to contest another term as governors of their states? Can we say that Gov. Yero of Kaduna State by 2015 still has 8 more years to continue as governor?What of Ag. Gov. of Taraba; can he contest for two terms by 2015? Likewise, in the case of Ag. Gov. Fintiri of Adamawa State in which two successful elections can give him a maximum of only 4 years 7 months in office, can he contest again simply because he did not clock 8 years in office? In my understanding of the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the constitutional provisions of the 4-year term of 2 terms, I believe none of them is eligible to exceed 8 years whether or not they are elected in two previous elections or whether or not they clock 8 years in office, whichever is applicable.
This then further begs the question – can President Jonathan, under the circumstance, still be eligible for another 4-year term in 2015 or at any other time afterward, seeing that, if he contests and wins, by the end of that term (in 2019) he would have self-succeeded himself in office as president for a cumulative period exceeding the maximum of 8 years interpreted by the Supreme Court? Undoubtedly, posing this question is not only germane but is unavoidable. Getting a judicial determination to this issue in the Supreme Court is basic if we are to hold and advance the cause of constitutional democracy and rule of law in Nigeria. To close our eyes to this and pretend that the coast is clear for the president to contest 2015 is playing the ostrich to an indispensable constitutional matter. This will be doing grave injury to our system. The solution to this matter lies with the Supreme Court.
Though we may all have built our interests, emotions and sentiments for or against President Jonathan’s contest in 2015, but as things stand his contest is unlikely to enhance constitutionalism and judicial pronouncements as it will instead eliminate the principle of maximum tenure for the executive in Nigeria. It will also create the basis for perpetuating one political party in power by unendingly making an incumbent of one party a contestant, thereby setting a perilous precedence in the country’s democratization process.
A leader ought to lead by example, by action and by sacrifice. He must lay good precedents in the governance and politics of the polity. As we strive to apply international best practices standard in our public affairs, it will be good President Jonathan draws some lessons from examples in mature democracies such as that of America, where we borrowed our system. We should not just copy the written constitution alone but also along with it, its values, ethos and practices. For example, none of the nine Vice Presidents of the USA (John Tyler, Millard Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, Chester Arthur, Theodore Roosevelt, Calvin Coolidge, Harry Truman, Lyndon Johnson or Gerald Ford) who, like President Jonathan, became president on account of the death or resignation of a president, submitted himself for election, and none was ever elected, twice in office as president. As patriotic statesmen and good leaders wanting to build an enduring system for their country, they stepped down their personal ambitions for the higher interests of their country. But as it seems that President Jonathan, who shares the same political milieu with these former US Presidents, is however not willing to do same and set a positive precedent for his country’s democratization process, and print his name in gold in the annals of Nigeria’s national politics, it is essential that his candidacy for 2015 is put before the apex court for determination, either be affirmed or rejected.
I am aware of the High Court judgment declaring that the President can contest again – that of Justice Oniyangi of the FCT High Court delivered on Friday 1st March, 2013. The matter was also brought before Justice Evelyn Anyadike of the Federal High Court Kaduna who knocked it out on technical ground. I read the submissions of both cases and their judgments against the interpretation and definition of tenure of office for the executive by the Supreme Court. I also read the argument proffered by Justice Oniyangi against the logic and conclusion of that Supreme Court Judgment, and I respectfully think the learned Judge has missed the point. For a highly celebrated case in which the Supreme Court went the extra mile to get legal opinions from luminaries as Amicus Curiae, the final unanimous decision of its 7 Justices cannot but be compelling. It would really be interesting to see how the FCT High Court’s judgment will fare on appeal.
Equally, to argue that President Jonathan’s tenure of office as president between May 6, 2010 and May 29, 2011 as “completing the tenure of late President Yar’adua”, in my opinion is futile, given that there is nowhere in the constitution where such provision is made. Besides, if a Vice President will be sworn-in as substantive President of the country, and in his new capacity appoints his Vice President, thus forming a distinct regime of his own, the talk of completing someone’s else’s term of office cannot even arise.

Conclusion
In our politics we must always be guided by the provisions of the law, especially the interpretation of the law by the court. Left to our devices, we all want things done our own ways, but this is impossible. That is why we have a premise to operate upon, which is the law that directs and guides the conduct of all operators. Personally, even as an academic, President Jonathan’s contest in 2015, an episode of great significance to the nation, seems to me to have fallen outside the law, and therefore needs the determination of the supreme court of the land. And as a PDP member and a Nigerian of good standing, I think it is in our best interest to get the matter thus determined if we are to go into the nomination process in confidence, with a candidate whose eligibility status is spotless. That is the only way to ensure smooth operation of our system, avoid lawlessness, political crises and social anarchy, and guarantee our democracy and the well-being of our country. It is against this backdrop that I consider a judicial action necessary, and for which reason I intend to institute one at the Court of Appeal.

Thank you.

Dr. Umar Ardo

Dr. Umar Ardo

(Adamawa State PDP Stakeholder)

Thursday, September 11, 2014

Manyan Nasarori da Matsalolin Gwamnatin Kwankwaso

10 Ga Satumba, 2014.


Daga: Amir Abdulazeez

M
utane da yawa a Kano, Arewacin Najeriya da ma sauran sassan Najeriya suna matuƙar bibiyar al’amuran siyasa da gwamnati a Kano tare da nuna sha’awar samun bayanai akan irin  mulkin da Kwankwaso ya ke yi a Jihar Kano. Mai yiwuwa hakan bay a rasa nasaba da irin shahara da Jihar Kano ta yi a faɗin ƙasarnan ko kuma shaharar da shi Kwankwason ya yi a siyasar wannan lokaci da muke ciki. Waɗanda suka riski wani ɓangare na amfanin gwamnatin su kan ɗauka cewar babu wani abu da gwamnatin ta shimfiɗa sai nasara yayin da kuma wasu waɗanda suka riski wani ɓangare na takalmin ƙarfen gwamnatin, sai su kan ɗauka cewar babu abin da ta shimfiɗa sai matsala.
Yanzu haka saura kimanin watanni takwas gwamnatin Injiniya Dakta Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso ta kammala wa’adin ta na shekaru huɗu wanda shi ne dawowar ta a karo na biyu a Jihar Kano. Babu shakka watanni takwas ba za su hana a yi wa abin da aka shafe watanni 40 ana gudanar da shi alƙalanci ba.

Gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta zo gangara kuma da wahala a ɗan wa’adin da ya rage mata ta yi wani abu sabo wanda ba ta bayyana shi a baya ba. Idan aka yi sa’a ma ta ƙarasa ɗumbin aiyukan da ta ke kan yi yanzu kafin wa’adinta ya ƙare, to sai a gode wa Allah. Idan kuma hakan ba ta samu ba, to babu shakka za a gode mata saboda kafa harsashin manyan aiyuka masu matuƙar amfani da ta yi, waɗanda gwamnati mai zuwa ya kamata ta ƙarasa kuma ta ɗora a kan mafi yawa daga cikinsu.

Duk wanda ya karanta kasafin kuɗin Jihar Kano na shekarar 2014, zai lura cewar akwai aiyuka da yawa da kasafin ya ƙunsa waɗanda an riga an fara su tun shekarun 2012 da 2013. Don haka bisa ga dukkan alamu kasafin kuɗin gwamnatin na shekarar 2015 zai mayar da hankali kacokam wajen ƙarasa dukkan aiyukan gwamnatin na shekarun 2011, 2012, 2013 da 2014.

Dawowar Kwankwaso mulkin Kano a karo na biyu ya bar tarihi ta kowanne ɓangare. Akwai abubuwa masu kyau da ya yi waɗanda ba za a taɓa mantawa da su ba, haka kuma akwai matsaloli waɗanda ba za a taɓa mantawa da su ba.

NASARORI

5. ƘAWATA BIRNIN KANO: Gwamnatain Kwankwaso ta ƙawata Birnin Kano fiye da kowacce gwamnati a tarihi. A yanzu da wahalar gaske a samu wani titi mai kwalta, komai ƙanƙantarsa, a cikin birni da kewaye wanda babu fitilu masu haske ba, sannan kuma ba a fashin kunna waɗannan fitilu a kowacce rana. Sannan kuma yanzu haka gwamnati ta na kan gyarawa da zamanantar da dukkan ƙofofin tsohon Birnin Kano na asalin tarihi, kuma gyaran ba na wasa ba, wasu mu rushesu a ke yi ana sake gina su.
Gwamnatin Kano ta na kwashe shara a cikin Kano ba ƙaƙƙautawa, don haka birnin a cikin tsafta yake a mafi yawan lokuta. Wannan ƙari ne a kan tsaftace birnin da ake gudanarwa a kowacce Asabar ɗin ƙarshen wata. Sannan kuma duk wani gini mallakar gwamnati, an gyara katangarsa kuma an fente shi tare da sanya fitilu masu haske a jikin bangwayensa. Banda wannan kuma, an sassaka intalo-intalo a gefunan tituna da sauran gurare, kuma an gyara wasu daga cikin shatale-talen Kano tare da ƙawata su. Bayan duka waɗannan, akwai guraren shuke-shuke na musamman da aka ware, wasu don shaƙatawa, wasu kuma don shuke-shuken kawai. Sannan kuma an samar da gadojin tsallaka titi da ƙafa a gurare da yawa, wanda hakan ya samar da tsari a kan yadda mutane masu tafiya a ƙasa suke amfani da tituna.
Wani abin sha’awa kuma, da zarar wani abu ya lalace ko ya samu matsala a cikin birnin, nan da na za ka ga an zo an gyara shi an mayar da shi yadda ya ke, ko kuma an ƙara masa kyau da nagarta.

4. ƘARASA AIYUKAN TSOHUWAR GWAMNATI: gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta bai wa mutane mamaki wajen ƙaraswa ko ɗorawa a kan aiyukan gwamnatocin baya. Misali, gwamnatin Malam Ibrahim Shekarau ta tafi ta bar aiyukan titunan da ta fara ba ta gama ba, amma kwankwaso ya ƙarasa su, kamar titin da ya taso daga Tal’udu zuwa Mandawari zuwa Kasuwar Kwari kuma ya haɗe da Titin Ibrahim Taiwo, sannan akwai titin da ya tashi daga Kurna Makaranta ya haɗe da Kabuga, da sauran waɗansu titunan. Sannan kuma gwamnatin Shekarau ta tafi ta bar tsaruka, kamar tsarin yin gidaje da yawa a gefunan garin Kano domin sauƙaƙa cinkoso da kuma tsarin faɗaɗa tituna, waɗanda duk Kwankwaso ya aiwatar da su.
Dogon ginin Magwan da Marigayi Abububakar Rimi ya gina kuma aka yi watsi da shi shekara da shekaru, yanzu haka Kwankwaso ya sa ana gyara shi domin mayar da shi makaranta.
Shirin gwamnatin Shekarau na wadata Kano da ruwa ta hanyar gina matatun ruwa manya na Tamburawa da Watari bai samu cikakkiyar nasara ba sai a zuwan Kwankwaso. Domin Kwankwaso shi ne yanzu ya ke shimfiɗa manya-manyan bututun da ya ke ɗauko wannan ruwan daga matatun zuwa ga jama’a domin amfani. Yanzu haka kimanin 50% na baki ɗayan Jihar Kano sun fara amfana da wannan ruwa.

3. MANYAN TITUNA DA MANYAN AIYUKA: kafin dawowar Kwankwaso, babu titin sama ko ɗaya a cikin garin Kano, amma mai yiwuwa kafin ya tafi, Kano za ta zama ta na da huɗu lafiyayyu, guda uku kuma daga ciki, gwamnatinsa ce ta yi su. Kwankwaso ya faɗaɗa dukkan hanyoyin shigowa Kano in banda titin Katsina, a ciki akwai Titin Gwarzo, Titin Hadejia, Titin Zaria da Titin Panshekara. Duk waɗannan ƙari ne a kan tituna da dama a ciki da wajen Kano da gwamnatin ta ke ɓarjewa ta na gyarawa da waɗanda ta ke faɗaɗawa da kuma ƙirƙirowa. Akwai titunan ƙarƙashin ƙasa da gwamnatin ta ke yi gadan-gadan yanzu haka a Gadon-Kaya Da Kabuga.
Wasu manyan aiyukan na tarihi da gwamnatin ta ke kan yi sun haɗa da gina tashar wutar lantarki mai zaman kan ta daga madatsun ruwa na Challawa da Tiga mai ƙarfin megawatt 35, da kuma rufe shahararren Kogin Jakara domin yin titi a kansa. Bayan haka akwai yuurin samar da tashoshin manyan motoci guda biyu.
Gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta samar da birane guda uku sukutum a Jihar Kano. Biranen sune Kwankwasiyya, Amana da Bandirawo.
Gwamnatin Kano a ƙarƙashin Kwankwaso ta yi bakin ƙoƙari wajen bai wa kowanne fanni kulawa dai-dai gwargwado. Sassan lafiya, noma wasanni, ruwa, kimiyya da fasaha duk an taɓa su, sai dai a ce wani ɓangaren ya fi wani samun kulawa a gwamnatin.

2. SAMAR DA AIYUKAN YI DA ƊA’A A CIKIN AL’AMURA: kafin dawowar gwamnatin Kwankwaso,  a Kano ba a tsoron gwamnati; idan ta sa doka, ƙa’ida ko tsari ba a cika bi ba, ko kuma sai an ga dama a ke bi. Yanzu a Kano, wannan ta kau domin da wahala gwamnati ta faɗi abu a tsallake shi.
Bayan haka, kafin dawowar Kwankwaso, akwai ma’aikata da yawa da suke wasa da aikin gwamnati, amma daga zuwansa ya gyara musu zama sannan kuma ya fitar da ɗaruruwan ma’aikata na boge, na ƙarya waɗanda ake karɓe kuɗaɗen gwamnati da sunansu daga cikin tsari. Ko shakka babu, Kwankwaso ya yi maganin ɓarayi masu sace kuɗin gwamnati tun daga kan ƙananan hukumomi har zuwa jiha.
Gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta samar wa da dubban mutane aiyukan yi a gwamnati da kuma sana’o’i. Ta rarrabawa mutane da yawa tallafi domin yin jari da kuma rancen kuɗi da kayan aiki don bunƙasa sana’a.
A ƙarƙashin Hukumar Hisba, gwamnatin ta aurar da zaurawa da ‘yan mata sama da 1000 a Kano, wanda shi kansa wannan wani nau’i ne na samar da ɗa’a da tarbiyya. Gwamnatin ta hana barace-barace a kan titi tare da samar da tsari na musamman domin tallafawa da koyawa waɗannan mabarata  sana’ao’i domin dogaro da kansu kuma ta hana sakin dabbobi barkatai a kan titi.
Kwankwaso ya kafa hukumar KAROTA wacce ta taka rawar gani wajen kawo tsari da doka akan titunan Kano bda kuma harkar sufurin kan titi baki ɗaya.

1. INGANTA ILIMI: me yiwuwa wannan shi zai zamo bakandamiyar Gwamnatin Kwankwaso. Gwamnatin Kano a shekaru uku da suka gabata ta taka muhimmiyar rawar gani wajen inganta ilimin addini, firamare, sakandire, jami’a da sana’o’i.
Kwankwaso ya gina ajujuwa manya masu bene a kusan ɗaya bisa ukun na makarantun firamaren Kano baki ɗaya. Wannan ƙari ne  a kan ciyar da yara kyauta da basu kayan makaranta. Gwamnatin ta samar da ƙarin makarantun sakandire kuma ta ɗauki nauyin ɗaruruwan ‘ya’yan talakawa domin yin digiri na ɗay da na biyu a ƙasashen duniya daban-daban.
Idan mutane ɗarin da gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta ɗauki nauyi domin koyo tuƙin jirgi a ƙasar Jordan suka kammala, me yiwuwa Jihar Kano za ta iya zama jiha guda ɗaya mafi yawan matuƙa jirgin sama a faɗin Nahiyar Africa. Haka kuma ‘yan mata 100 da suke karatun likita a ƙasashen ƙetare za su taimaka wajen zamowar Jihar Kano kan gaba a yawan mata likitoci a Najeriya idan sun kamala karatunsu.
Gwamnatin Kano ta gina tare da gyara wasu makarantun islamiyyu da yawa, sannan ta samar da sabuwar jami’a sukutum mai suna North West University. Wannan ƙari ne akan dukkan makarantun gaba da sakandire na Jihar Kano da gwamnatin ta gyara kuma ta ɗaga darajarsu izuwa masu yin karatun NCE ko digiri. Kai  a taƙaice dai gwamnatin ta mayar da ilimi kyauta tun daga firamare har jami’a ga ‘yan asalin Jihar.
Bayan waɗannan, da wahala a samu wata sana’a ta gargajiya ko ta zamani wacce Kwankwaso bai yi wa babbar makaranta ba sukutum. Akwai makarantun koyon sana’o’i, noma, kasuwanci, tuƙi, kiwo, tsaro, wasanni da dai sauransu a warwatse a ƙananan hukuomi daban-daban na Kano.

MATSALOLI

5. KWANKWASIYYA: ɗaya daga cikin manyan matsalolin gwamnatin Kwankwaso shi ne ɗarikar sa ta Kwankwasiyya. Ya yi amfani da ƙarfin gwamnati ko dai kai-tsaye ko kuma kai-zaune wajen tilasta wannan aƙida ta sa a kan jama’ar Kano. Babu yadda za a yi Kwankwaso ya shigo da kai cikin gwamnatinsa sai ka sa jar hula, idan kuma ka na cikin ta sai ka saka ta don kada a yi waje da kai. Abin kamar almara.
Kwankwaso ya yi amfani da kuɗin gwamnati da dukiyar al’umma ya yi aiyuka amma duk ya bi ya rubuce su da sunan ɗarikarsa wacce kuma ita ba hukuma ce ta gwamnati ba. Idan ɗan kwangila ya yi wa gwamnati aiki bai rubuta sunan Kwankwaso a jiki ba, to ba lallai ne gaba idan ya nemi kwangila a ba shi ba, don haka tsirarun aiyuka ne kawai za ka ga babu sunan Kwankwasiyya a jiki.
Kafin zuwa Kwankwaso ya zargi gwamnatin baya da sanya siyasa a cikin harkokin gwamnati inda ya yi kira ga kantomomin ƙananan hukumomi na wancan lokaci, a matsayinsu na ma’aikata da su daina yarda ana yin amfani da su a siyasa. Sai ga shi babu kantomomin da suka kai na Kwankwaso shiga da taka rawa a cikin siyasa. Bayan haka sama da kimanin 90% na mata, matasa da sauransu da ya bai wa jari ko tallafi a ƙarƙashin shirinsa na CRC dukkansu ko dai ’yan Kwankwasiyya ne ko kuma ‘yan uwan ‘yan Kwankwasiyya ko waɗanda suka kama ƙafa da su. Akwai matan da suka dinga samun jarin sau da yawa a maimakon sau ɗaya domin su ‘yan ɗariƙar ta sa ne.
Sannan kuma an zargi gwamnati da yin amfani da kuɗaɗen jama’a ta na sayen jajayen huluna buhunna-buhunna ana rabawa a ƙananan hukumomi, wai dole sai an yi aƙidar Kwankwasiyya.

4. TAKURAWA DA TAUYEWA: zai yi wahala a samu gwamnatin da ta takurawa mutane, ma’aikata da ma muƙarrabanta kamar  gwamnatin Kwankwaso ba. Gwamnatin ba ta fiye duba masalahar jama’a ba a mafi yawancin abin da ta ke yi. A wasu lokutan, aiyukan da gwamnatin ta sa kan ta, shi za ta yi ko da kuwa ba shi ne mafi dacewa ga jama’ar wannan guri ba. Sannan kuma kullum tunanin gwamnatin shi ne  sai an yi komai ta ƙarfi sannan zai samu nasara kuma a hakan ma sai an yi shi cikin gadara. Sannan gwamnatin ba ta fiye girmama dokar da ba ita ta kafa ba.
Tsaruka na Ihsani da gwamnati ta ke yi domin kyautatwa ma’aikatan ta , Kwankwaso ko dai ya raunata su ko kuma ya yi musu ƙanshin mutuwa. Sai an ga dama a ke bayar da ɗan kuɗin gero da na rago da ma’aikatan suka saba samu a baya. Tsaruka na kyautatwa jama’a da gwamnatin baya ta ke yi kamar su ciyarwa lokacin azumi duk sun yi rauni a gwamnatin sa.
Gwamnatin Kano a ƙarƙashin Kwankwaso ta hana har da ma muƙarrabanta su yi aikinsu. Sai ka ga abin da bai kai ya kawo ba wanda bai wuce a bai wa wani jami’in gwamnati dama ya aiwatar da shi ba, amma gwamna sai yace zai aiwatar da kansa, da alam bai yarda da kowa ba sai kansa. Sannan kuma majalisar dokokin Jihar Kano ba ta taɓa zama hoto ko ‘yar amshin shatar gwamna ba kamar a wannan lokaci. Duk dokar da gwamna yak e so a ƙirƙira ko a yi wa gyaran fuska, to an gama kawai ba tare da wani ɓata lokaci ba. Hatta shugabancin majalisar ma, gwamna ne ya ke da ta cewa a kan sa.
Bayan haka, gwamnatin ta kawo tawaya a tsarin aiyukan ta da kanta domin aiyuka da yawa ta kan yi su ne kawai a inda za a gani, kamar bakin titi amma ba a inda suka dace ba. Misali, manyan ajujuwa benaye na firamare, da wahala gwamnatin ta gina muku shi idan makarantar ku ba a bakin titi ta ke ba, komai buƙatar ku da shi, kuma ko da makarantar a bakin titi ta ke, ba lallai ne a duba inda ya dace ba a cikin makarantar, a’a sai inda zai kallo titi a ga tambarin Kwankwasiyyar nan ƙarara.

3. ƘANANAN HUKUMOMI : A ƙarƙashin gwamnatin Kwankwaso ne Jihar Kano ta samu kantomomi waɗanda sune mafi daɗewa a kan mulki a tarihi ba tare da an shirya zaɓe ba. Sannan kuma gwamnatin ita ta shirya kuma ta aiwatar da zaɓen ƙananan hukumomi mafi muni da rashin inganci a tarihin Jihar Kano. Bayan haka gwamnatin ta yi amfani da ƙarfin ta wajen ɗaurewa waɗanda bas u cancanta ba gindi domin samun mulkin ƙananan hukumomi. An zargi wasu daga cikin Ciyamomin da rashin ilimi, ƙwarewa da kuma iya aiki.
Duk waɗannan abubuwa ƙari ne a kan maƙurewa da gwamnatin ta ke yi wa ƙananan hukumomi ta hanyar hanasu kuɗaɗensu da kuma haƙƙoƙinsu. Gwamnatin ta hanasu cikakken ‘yanci tare da damar da za su yi wa mutane aiki, sai dai zaɓi irin aikin da za ayi musu a lokacin da ka ga dama ko da kuwa ba shi suke muradi ba. Shugabannin ƙananan hukumomi na wannan lokacin kusan ba su da maraba da hotuna.
Bayan haka gwamnatin ta ƙi yi wa jama’a cikakken bayanin adadin kuɗaɗen da suka shigo aljihun ƙananan hukumomi daga Gwamnatin Tarayya tun daga watan Mayun 2011 zuwa yanzu tare da faɗar abubuwan da ta yi da su, kuma nawa ne ya rage, kuma me ya sa ta ke hanasu kuɗaɗensu, sannan wacce doka ce ta ba ta damar yin hakan?

2. ƘWACE FILAYE DA RUGUJE GIDAJE : gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta yi rushe-rushen gidaje da ƙwace filaye nau’i biyu. Nau’in farko shi ne waɗanda ta ruguje ko ta karɓe da ba sa kan ƙa’ida ko kuma suna kan ƙa’ida amma ta na buƙatar yin wani abu mai muhimmianci da su kuma  ta bayar da isasshiyar sanarwa tare da biyan kuɗin diyya a inda hakan ta dace. Kashi na biyu shi ne wanda ta karɓe ko ta ruguje ko dai, suna kan ƙa’ida ko ba sa kan ƙa’ida, ba tare kuma da cikakkiyar sanarwa ba kuma ba tare da biyan diyya ba, sannan kuma bayan ta karɓe sai ta ɓige da yin wani abu wanda ba shi ne masalahar jama’a ba.
Mutane da yawa sun zargi gwamnatin da zalunci da kuma cutarwa ga jama’a yayin da ta ƙwace wasu filaye da dama kuma ta ruguje gidajen da aka fara ginawa ba tare da ta biya kowa diyya ba, kuma ta sake yanka waɗannan filaye ta rarrabawa ‘yan siyasa. Wannan ya na daga ciin abubuwan da suka zubarwa da gwamnatin daraja musamman a idon masu ƙaramin ƙarfi.
Bayan haka duk rushe-rushen da gwmanatin ta ke yi a tsawon shekaru uku, amma ta kasa kawo ƙarshen kasa kaya a bakin tituna da kuma ƙaro rumfunan shaguna zuwa bakin titi tare da gina kes-kes, duk dai a kan titin.

1. AIKIN TITIN KILOMITA BIYAR-BIYAR: aikin titin kilomita biyar-biyar da gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta ke yi a ƙananan hukumomi 44 zai iya zamowa aiki guda ɗaya da gwamnatin ta fi narka kuɗaɗe fiye da kowanne aiki a cikinsa kuma sannan ya zamo aiki mafi rashin nasara da gwamnatin ta yi a tsawon shekaru ukun da suka gabata. Da farko dai da wahala a samu titi guda ɗaya a cikin 44 ɗin da ake yin sa a ƙasa da naira miliyan 1000 (Biliyan 1).
A cikin kusan shekaru biyu da aka yi ana aiyukan titunan, da wahala a samu guda goma waɗanda aka kammala a cikin guda 44, wasu ƙananan hukumomin ma an daina aikin. Bayan haka wasu aiyukan titin an yi sune akan manyan titunan Gwamnatin Tarayya wanda hakan zai iya jawowa gwamnatin ta tarayya ta ɓarje su yayin da ta buƙaci yin amfani da titin ta, wannan kuwa ba ƙaramar ɓarnar dukiya bace. Irin waɗanda wannan matsala za ta iya shafa sun haɗa da Bichi, Tsanyawa, Rimin-Gado da sauransu.

Duk wannan ma kaɗan ne idan aka yi la’akari da rashin ingancin aiyukan domin wasu ma sun fara lalacewa tun kafin a fara amfani da su. A taƙaice dai gwamnatin ta yi asarar sama da naira biliyan 50 akan wannan aiki, ba tare da an samu sakamakon da ya kamata ba. 

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

Motar Haya a Jihar Kano.....

10 Ga Satumba, 2014.

Daga: Amir Abdulazeez

D
uk da cewar harkar sufuri ta na ɗaya daga cikin harkoki mafi muhimmanci a rayuwarmu ta yau, amma ba ma ba ta cikakkiyar kulawar da ta ke buƙata. Akwai haƙƙoki da yawa a kan gwamnati, direbobi, mamallaka abubuwan sufuri da kuma jama’ar gari, waɗanda sai mun kula da su sannan harkar za ta inganta.

Duk da cewar ba ni da cikakken ilimi a kan yadda  harkar sufuri ta haya ta ke gudana a mafi yawan jihohin Najeriya, amma ina da cikakkiyar masaniyar cewar harkar ta na cikin yanayi mara kyau a Jihar Kano. Fiye da kashi uku bisa huɗu na al’ummar Jihar Kano sun dogara ne da motocin haya domin zirga-zirgarsu. Ƙalilan ne suke da abubuwan hawa nasu na kansu. Wannan ta na nuna cewar jama’a suna da haƙƙin  kawo gyara a kan yadda tsarin motocin haya suke gudanar da aiyukansu. Idan da mutane za su saka kishi a zuciyoyinsu ma, ba sai sun jira gwamnati ta sa hannu a waɗannan al’amura ba.

Idan mu ka kalli girman Kano da yawan mutanenta waɗanda a ke ƙiyasata yawansu da sama da miliyan 12, to za mu ƙiyasata cewar aƙalla yawan motocin da suke zagayawa a kan titunan Kano sun haura miliyan guda ko kuma wani abu makamancin haka. A cikin wannan adadin, za mu iya cewa 65% motocin haya ne, ko dai tasi-tasi ko kuma bas-bas. Bisa wannan lissafi, idan ka ɗauke Jihar Lagos, babu jihar da ake kai kawo kamar Kano, amma da wahala a samu jihar da tsarin sufurin hayar ta ya ke kara zube kamar Kanon.

Abu na farko dai, a Kano ba ka buƙatar izini ko shawarar kowa ko wata hukuma kafin ka mallaki motar haya ko kafin ka zama direban motar haya. Idan ma akwai wata doka ko hukuma mai kula da hakan, to ba ta aikin ta. Wannan ta sa a yau za ka iya sayen motocin haya ko guda nawa ka ke so kawai ka zuba a kan titi kuma ka sa su su dinga bin hanyar da suka ga dama. Sannan kuma, in dai ka iya mota, to kawai sai ka kama tuƙa motar haya, da wuya a samu mai ce maka uffan. Me yiwuwa idan aka yi sa’ar gaske jami’an Road Saftey su tambaye ka diraba lasin sau ɗaya ko sau biyu a shekara.

Shekarun baya, Gwamnatin Kano ta fara tilastawa bas-bas yin wani fentin kore da ruwan ɗorawa domin a iya ganesu, amma yanzu da alama an daina ƙarfafa dokar kamar da. Sannan kuma kwanakin baya, lokacin da matsalar tsaro ta ta’azzara, gwamnati ta ɓullo da tsarin yi wa babura masu ƙafa uku rajista bayan da aka soke achaɓa, amma wannan rajista ba mu samu labarin ta haɗa da bas-bas ko tasi-tasi ba.

Abu na biyu, motocin haya a Kano suna ɗauka da sauke fasinja a duk inda suka ga dama. Babu wata tsayayyiyar madakata wato Bus Stop, kawai za su iya tsayawa a kowanne lokaci, kuma mafi yawanci ba sa kunna sigina ko su nuna alamar tsayawa. Bayan haka kuma motocin haya su kan yi lodi a inda suka ga dama, ko’ina a Kano tasha ne. Kwanakin baya hukumar kula da harkar sufurin kan  titunan Jihar Kano wato KAROTA ta ɗan kawo gyara a kan wannan al’amura ta hanyar hana lodin fasinjoji a wasu gurare, to amma hakan bai magance ko da 20% na matslar ba. Sannan kuma, ita kan ta KAROTA ɗin ta yi sakaci kwana biyu, domin inda ta hana tsayawar a baya, yanzu duk kusan an dawo ana tsayawa.

Abu na uku, mafi yawan motocin haya a Kano tsofaffi ne kuma lalatattu, wasu ma sun gama mutuwa. Da yawa daga cikinsu, bai kamata a bar su su dinga ma hawa kan titi ba balle ma su ɗebi mutane. Me yiwuwa wannan ce ta sa direbobin motocin suke yin tuƙin da suka ga dama, domin basu da asara ko an buga musu. Wannan ya taimaka da gaske wajen lalata yanayin tuƙi tare da ƙin bin dokokin kan titi a cikin Birnin Kano. Bayan haka wasu daga cikin direbobin ba su da tarbiyya balle ɗa’a. Sai ka ga mutum ya na tuƙi daga shi sai singileti ko gajeren wando, ko ka ga kwandastan bas ya na zagi da yi wa fasinjoji sa’annin iyayen sa rashin kunya.

Abu na huɗu, da yawa a cikin motocin hayar Kano ba sa son biyan harajin N20 ko N50 a rana wanda gwamnatocin ƙananan hukumomi ta kan sanya musu. Sai ka ga mai bayar da rasit ya na yi wa direba magana, amma sai ya ga dama zai kula shi, kamar ya na nuna shi ya fi ƙarfin gwamnati ko kuma ita gwamnatin ba ta damu da harkar sa ba. Ga shi kuma wani lokacin farashin motar haya a Kano ba shi da wata ƙa’ida, wani lokaci kwandasta sai ya caje ka yadda ya ga dama sai dai a yi ta rigima. Wani lokacin kuma su ɗauko fasinja da niyyar za su kai shi wani waje amma sai su ƙi ƙarasawa da shi, kawai sai su juye shi a inda suka ga dama, masu adalcin cikinsu ne ma suke saka shi a wata motar ko su dawo masa da wani ɓangare na kuɗinsa.

Abu na biyar, mafi yawancin masu motar haya ba sa ɗaukar adadin fasinja dai-dai da abin da motar za ta iya ɗauka ba. Misali a cikin tasi, sai su cusa mutum huɗu a baya kamar kayan wanki, mutum biyu kuma a gaba, tare da cewa wani ma cinyarsa a kan giya ko hanbrek ɗin motar ya ke, da ƙyar direba zai dinga sarrafa motar saboda matsatsi. Idan kuma bas ce, sai a zuba mutane a maleji, wani lokacin har da but dan hauka. Maimakon haka, ai kyautuwa ya yi a ɗan yi ƙarin kuɗin mota N10 ko N20. Kwanaki da na shiga bas daga unguwarmu zuwa ‘Yankura, na kalli yadda muka gwamutsu a cikin ta, babu wani sararin da iska ta ke zagayawa ko kaɗan, sai na ce  a raina yanzu abin Allah Ya kiyaye, da cutar Ebola za ta zo Kano, ai da babu hanyar da za ta fi saurin yaɗuwa kamar a cikin motocin haya.

Bayan haka sai ka ga an gwamutsa maza da mata su matsu sosai a kujera ɗaya. Sai kawai ka ji rabin jikin matar aure a kwance a jikinka a cikin tasi ko bas, wai ai motar haya ce, larura ce. Idan muka je lahira, dukkanmu sai mu taru mu yi wa Allah bayanin wannan wacce irin larura ce haka. Irin wannan gwamutsa maza da mata da muke yi a cikin motocin haya shi yake kawo taɓarɓarewar tarbiyya da kuma masifu iri-iri. Zai iya zama ɗaya daga cikin dalilan da Allah SWT Ya sa ya ke jarrabtar mu da bala’o’i iri-iri.

Waɗannan matsaloli sai mun taru mun haɗa ƙarfi da ƙarfe sannan za mu iya yaƙar su kuma dole mu ɗauke su da gaske ba da wasa ba. Mu matsalar mu ita ce, in dai abu bai shafi neman kuɗi ko neman abinci ba, to ba mai muhimmanci ba ne.

Ƙungiyoyin direbobi da masu motocin haya su tashi tsaye wajen tsaftace sana’arsu. Gwamnati ta kafa tsauraran dokoki da matakai kuma ta tabbatar ana binsu. Gwamnatain  Kano za ta iya faɗaɗa aiyukan hukumar KAROTA don su ƙunshi magance waɗannan abubuwa sannan kuma jama’ar gari su bayar da haɗin kai tun da ba wanda ya fi su cutuwa da wannan matsala ta hanyar bin duk wasu dokoki da za a gindaya tare kuma ƙauracewa dukkan mai motar da bai cika ƙa’idoji ba.

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