Jonathan's 'Third' Term: An Open Letter to PDP National Chairman by Umar Ardo

Dear Sir,

Constitutional Impediments to President Jonathan’s Candidacy in 2015

Introduction

Any person of average intellect who read the 1999 constitution (as amended) along with four key judgments of the Supreme Court (INEC Vs Boni Haruna, Peter Obi Vs Chris Ngige, Ladoja Vs INEC and INEC Vs 5 PDP Governors) would easily conclude that President Jonathan’s eligibility to contest for another 4-year term in 2015 or at any other time thereafter under the present constitution is impeded. This argument is premised on the fact that what constitutionally applies to the governor on the issue of eligibility or otherwise to contest elections is ipso facto applicable to the president. In those judgments, the apex court had established the relationship between the governor and his deputy on the issue of succession (Boni Haruna); determined the holding of office in a term at 4 years (Peter Obi); affirmed that a governor can stay less but not more than 4 years in a term (Ladoja); and declared that tenure of the executive in office is a cumulative maximum period of 8 years and not a day longer (5 PDP governors). By 29 May 2015, President Jonathan would be 5 years 23 days as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. If the president contests and wins the 2015 presidential elections or at any other time later, he will exceed the cumulative tenure of 8 years maximum period as interpreted by the Supreme Court. Therefore such a contest will be unconstitutional.

The Argument

The 1999 constitution (as amended) provides a term of 4 years and another term of 4 years and no more for the executive. The Supreme Court, in the case of INEC Vs the 5 PDP Governors (Idris, Nyako, Wamako, Sylva and Imoke), interpreted this provision as a maximum of 8 years cumulative tenure. The Court said it can be less for an individual but certainly not more. With this interpretation, the Supreme Court removed 5 governors from office and necessitated for the amendment of sections 135 and 180 of the constitution. With 5 years 23 days to his credit as president, would President Jonathan’s contest for another term of 4 years not violate the provisions of the constitution as interpreted by the Apex Court? Since all presidential elections are for a 4-year term, we definitely need a clear judicial answer to this question.

In determining the issue of tenure in that case, the Supreme Court adopted two basic principles in its interpretation of the constitution in calculating the 4-year tenure system. Firstly, that a Governor – and a President – is elected for four years and eligible to re-election for another four years and no more. On the basis of that the Supreme Court declared:

“In all a governor has a maximum tenure of eight (8) years under the 1999 constitution. It is very clear from the relevant provisions that no person elected under the 1999 Constitution can remain in that office for a day longer than provided otherwise the intention of the framers of the constitution would be defeated”, and added pointedly that “The 1999 Constitution has no room for self–succession for a cumulative tenure exceeding eight years”.

Explicitly, this means that the cumulative 8 years tenure can be in bit and pieces, so to speak. It also means that in computing President Jonathan’s maximum of 8 years tenure, the 1 year 23 days he held as president between May 6, 2010 and May 29, 2011 will be counted. Other two points being made also are first, all tenures of office of the executive emanate from the two 4-year terms; and second, it really does not matter how one constitutionally comes into office, what matters is one does not remain in that office a day beyond cumulative 8 years.

Secondly, the Supreme Court adopts the principle that so long as “the acts performed during the period in office remain valid and subsisting”, then the oath taken empowering the performing of those acts also remains valid and becomes the starting point in calculating the cumulative 8 years tenure of office. It is on record that all the acts President Jonathan performed between May 6, 2010 and May 29, 2011, including the Electoral Act that was used to re-elect him in 2011, are all valid and subsisting. Therefore, to calculate the tenure of office of President Jonathan from May 29, 2011 when he was sworn-in as duly elected President and ignore the period from May 6, 2010 when he was first sworn-in as President, is to close our eyes to what is real and concrete thereby extending for the President a period in office beyond the maximum 8 years tenure for the executive. If the President contests and wins another four-year term in 2015, he would have self-succeeded himself in office as president for a cumulative period of 9 years 23 days.

It is also worthy to note that President Jonathan’s only claim of right to contest another term of 4 years is solely hinged on the disqualification clause in Section 137 sub-Section 1 (b) of the constitution that says “if he has been elected to the office of president at any two previous elections”. This is the clause upon which Justice Oniyangi of the FCT High Court (referred to below) mainly based the argument of his judgment. It is true Jonathan was not elected as president in any two previous elections, but this provision must also be looked at vis-à-vis the maximum tenure of 8 years prefix. The question therefore is if electing a person two times will give him a cumulative period in office beyond the 8 years bracket, will he still be eligible to contest such two terms of 4 years to that office? I think the answer, to my understanding of the logic and conclusion of the Supreme Court judgment, is in the negative.

Besides, if Section 137 sub-Section 1 (b) is President Jonathan’s only ‘qualification’ to contest, then same will be applicable to Boni Haruna in Adamawa, Rotimi Amechie in Rivers and Ibrahim Gaidam in Yobe states under Section 182 sub-Section 1 (b). Technically speaking, like President Jonathan, these men were also not elected at any two previous elections as governors of their respective states. All of them, again like President Jonathan, assumed office through some constitutional means after election and commencement of terms. Does it mean that they are all eligible to contest another term as governors of their states? Can we say that Gov. Yero of Kaduna State by 2015 still has 8 more years to continue as governor?What of Ag. Gov. of Taraba; can he contest for two terms by 2015? Likewise, in the case of Ag. Gov. Fintiri of Adamawa State in which two successful elections can give him a maximum of only 4 years 7 months in office, can he contest again simply because he did not clock 8 years in office? In my understanding of the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the constitutional provisions of the 4-year term of 2 terms, I believe none of them is eligible to exceed 8 years whether or not they are elected in two previous elections or whether or not they clock 8 years in office, whichever is applicable.

This then further begs the question – can President Jonathan, under the circumstance, still be eligible for another 4-year term in 2015 or at any other time afterward, seeing that, if he contests and wins, by the end of that term (in 2019) he would have self-succeeded himself in office as president for a cumulative period exceeding the maximum of 8 years interpreted by the Supreme Court? Undoubtedly, posing this question is not only germane but is unavoidable. Getting a judicial determination to this issue in the Supreme Court is basic if we are to hold and advance the cause of constitutional democracy and rule of law in Nigeria. To close our eyes to this and pretend that the coast is clear for the president to contest 2015 is playing the ostrich to an indispensable constitutional matter. This will be doing grave injury to our system. The solution to this matter lies with the Supreme Court.

Though we may all have built our interests, emotions and sentiments for or against President Jonathan’s contest in 2015, but as things stand his contest is unlikely to enhance constitutionalism and judicial pronouncements as it will instead eliminate the principle of maximum tenure for the executive in Nigeria. It will also create the basis for perpetuating one political party in power by unendingly making an incumbent of one party a contestant, thereby setting a perilous precedence in the country’s democratization process.

A leader ought to lead by example, by action and by sacrifice. He must lay good precedents in the governance and politics of the polity. As we strive to apply international best practices standard in our public affairs, it will be good President Jonathan draws some lessons from examples in mature democracies such as that of America, where we borrowed our system. We should not just copy the written constitution alone but also along with it, its values, ethos and practices. For example, none of the nine Vice Presidents of the USA (John Tyler, Millard Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, Chester Arthur, Theodore Roosevelt, Calvin Coolidge, Harry Truman, Lyndon Johnson or Gerald Ford) who, like President Jonathan, became president on account of the death or resignation of a president, submitted himself for election, and none was ever elected, twice in office as president. As patriotic statesmen and good leaders wanting to build an enduring system for their country, they stepped down their personal ambitions for the higher interests of their country. But as it seems that President Jonathan, who shares the same political milieu with these former US Presidents, is however not willing to do same and set a positive precedent for his country’s democratization process, and print his name in gold in the annals of Nigeria’s national politics, it is essential that his candidacy for 2015 is put before the apex court for determination, either be affirmed or rejected.

I am aware of the High Court judgment declaring that the President can contest again – that of Justice Oniyangi of the FCT High Court delivered on Friday 1st March, 2013. The matter was also brought before Justice Evelyn Anyadike of the Federal High Court Kaduna who knocked it out on technical ground. I read the submissions of both cases and their judgments against the interpretation and definition of tenure of office for the executive by the Supreme Court. I also read the argument proffered by Justice Oniyangi against the logic and conclusion of that Supreme Court Judgment, and I respectfully think the learned Judge has missed the point. For a highly celebrated case in which the Supreme Court went the extra mile to get legal opinions from luminaries as Amicus Curiae, the final unanimous decision of its 7 Justices cannot but be compelling. It would really be interesting to see how the FCT High Court’s judgment will fare on appeal.

Equally, to argue that President Jonathan’s tenure of office as president between May 6, 2010 and May 29, 2011 as “completing the tenure of late President Yar’adua”, in my opinion is futile, given that there is nowhere in the constitution where such provision is made. Besides, if a Vice President will be sworn-in as substantive President of the country, and in his new capacity appoints his Vice President, thus forming a distinct regime of his own, the talk of completing someone’s else’s term of office cannot even arise.

Conclusion
In our politics we must always be guided by the provisions of the law, especially the interpretation of the law by the court. Left to our devices, we all want things done our own ways, but this is impossible. That is why we have a premise to operate upon, which is the law that directs and guides the conduct of all operators. Personally, even as an academic, President Jonathan’s contest in 2015, an episode of great significance to the nation, seems to me to have fallen outside the law, and therefore needs the determination of the supreme court of the land. And as a PDP member and a Nigerian of good standing, I think it is in our best interest to get the matter thus determined if we are to go into the nomination process in confidence, with a candidate whose eligibility status is spotless. That is the only way to ensure smooth operation of our system, avoid lawlessness, political crises and social anarchy, and guarantee our democracy and the well-being of our country. It is against this backdrop that I consider a judicial action necessary, and for which reason I intend to institute one at the Court of Appeal.

Thank you.

Dr. Umar Ardo

Dr. Umar Ardo

(Adamawa State PDP Stakeholder)

Manyan Nasarori da Matsalolin Gwamnatin Kwankwaso

10 Ga Satumba, 2014.

Daga: Amir Abdulazeez

M

utane da yawa a Kano, Arewacin Najeriya da ma sauran sassan Najeriya suna matuƙar bibiyar al’amuran siyasa da gwamnati a Kano tare da nuna sha’awar samun bayanai akan irin  mulkin da Kwankwaso ya ke yi a Jihar Kano. Mai yiwuwa hakan bay a rasa nasaba da irin shahara da Jihar Kano ta yi a faɗin ƙasarnan ko kuma shaharar da shi Kwankwason ya yi a siyasar wannan lokaci da muke ciki. Waɗanda suka riski wani ɓangare na amfanin gwamnatin su kan ɗauka cewar babu wani abu da gwamnatin ta shimfiɗa sai nasara yayin da kuma wasu waɗanda suka riski wani ɓangare na takalmin ƙarfen gwamnatin, sai su kan ɗauka cewar babu abin da ta shimfiɗa sai matsala.

Yanzu haka saura kimanin watanni takwas gwamnatin Injiniya Dakta Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso ta kammala wa’adin ta na shekaru huɗu wanda shi ne dawowar ta a karo na biyu a Jihar Kano. Babu shakka watanni takwas ba za su hana a yi wa abin da aka shafe watanni 40 ana gudanar da shi alƙalanci ba.

Gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta zo gangara kuma da wahala a ɗan wa’adin da ya rage mata ta yi wani abu sabo wanda ba ta bayyana shi a baya ba. Idan aka yi sa’a ma ta ƙarasa ɗumbin aiyukan da ta ke kan yi yanzu kafin wa’adinta ya ƙare, to sai a gode wa Allah. Idan kuma hakan ba ta samu ba, to babu shakka za a gode mata saboda kafa harsashin manyan aiyuka masu matuƙar amfani da ta yi, waɗanda gwamnati mai zuwa ya kamata ta ƙarasa kuma ta ɗora a kan mafi yawa daga cikinsu.

Duk wanda ya karanta kasafin kuɗin Jihar Kano na shekarar 2014, zai lura cewar akwai aiyuka da yawa da kasafin ya ƙunsa waɗanda an riga an fara su tun shekarun 2012 da 2013. Don haka bisa ga dukkan alamu kasafin kuɗin gwamnatin na shekarar 2015 zai mayar da hankali kacokam wajen ƙarasa dukkan aiyukan gwamnatin na shekarun 2011, 2012, 2013 da 2014.

Dawowar Kwankwaso mulkin Kano a karo na biyu ya bar tarihi ta kowanne ɓangare. Akwai abubuwa masu kyau da ya yi waɗanda ba za a taɓa mantawa da su ba, haka kuma akwai matsaloli waɗanda ba za a taɓa mantawa da su ba.

NASARORI

5. ƘAWATA BIRNIN KANO: Gwamnatain Kwankwaso ta ƙawata Birnin Kano fiye da kowacce gwamnati a tarihi. A yanzu da wahalar gaske a samu wani titi mai kwalta, komai ƙanƙantarsa, a cikin birni da kewaye wanda babu fitilu masu haske ba, sannan kuma ba a fashin kunna waɗannan fitilu a kowacce rana. Sannan kuma yanzu haka gwamnati ta na kan gyarawa da zamanantar da dukkan ƙofofin tsohon Birnin Kano na asalin tarihi, kuma gyaran ba na wasa ba, wasu mu rushesu a ke yi ana sake gina su.

Gwamnatin Kano ta na kwashe shara a cikin Kano ba ƙaƙƙautawa, don haka birnin a cikin tsafta yake a mafi yawan lokuta. Wannan ƙari ne a kan tsaftace birnin da ake gudanarwa a kowacce Asabar ɗin ƙarshen wata. Sannan kuma duk wani gini mallakar gwamnati, an gyara katangarsa kuma an fente shi tare da sanya fitilu masu haske a jikin bangwayensa. Banda wannan kuma, an sassaka intalo-intalo a gefunan tituna da sauran gurare, kuma an gyara wasu daga cikin shatale-talen Kano tare da ƙawata su. Bayan duka waɗannan, akwai guraren shuke-shuke na musamman da aka ware, wasu don shaƙatawa, wasu kuma don shuke-shuken kawai. Sannan kuma an samar da gadojin tsallaka titi da ƙafa a gurare da yawa, wanda hakan ya samar da tsari a kan yadda mutane masu tafiya a ƙasa suke amfani da tituna.

Wani abin sha’awa kuma, da zarar wani abu ya lalace ko ya samu matsala a cikin birnin, nan da na za ka ga an zo an gyara shi an mayar da shi yadda ya ke, ko kuma an ƙara masa kyau da nagarta.

4. ƘARASA AIYUKAN TSOHUWAR GWAMNATI: gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta bai wa mutane mamaki wajen ƙaraswa ko ɗorawa a kan aiyukan gwamnatocin baya. Misali, gwamnatin Malam Ibrahim Shekarau ta tafi ta bar aiyukan titunan da ta fara ba ta gama ba, amma kwankwaso ya ƙarasa su, kamar titin da ya taso daga Tal’udu zuwa Mandawari zuwa Kasuwar Kwari kuma ya haɗe da Titin Ibrahim Taiwo, sannan akwai titin da ya tashi daga Kurna Makaranta ya haɗe da Kabuga, da sauran waɗansu titunan. Sannan kuma gwamnatin Shekarau ta tafi ta bar tsaruka, kamar tsarin yin gidaje da yawa a gefunan garin Kano domin sauƙaƙa cinkoso da kuma tsarin faɗaɗa tituna, waɗanda duk Kwankwaso ya aiwatar da su.

Dogon ginin Magwan da Marigayi Abububakar Rimi ya gina kuma aka yi watsi da shi shekara da shekaru, yanzu haka Kwankwaso ya sa ana gyara shi domin mayar da shi makaranta.

Shirin gwamnatin Shekarau na wadata Kano da ruwa ta hanyar gina matatun ruwa manya na Tamburawa da Watari bai samu cikakkiyar nasara ba sai a zuwan Kwankwaso. Domin Kwankwaso shi ne yanzu ya ke shimfiɗa manya-manyan bututun da ya ke ɗauko wannan ruwan daga matatun zuwa ga jama’a domin amfani. Yanzu haka kimanin 50% na baki ɗayan Jihar Kano sun fara amfana da wannan ruwa.

3. MANYAN TITUNA DA MANYAN AIYUKA: kafin dawowar Kwankwaso, babu titin sama ko ɗaya a cikin garin Kano, amma mai yiwuwa kafin ya tafi, Kano za ta zama ta na da huɗu lafiyayyu, guda uku kuma daga ciki, gwamnatinsa ce ta yi su. Kwankwaso ya faɗaɗa dukkan hanyoyin shigowa Kano in banda titin Katsina, a ciki akwai Titin Gwarzo, Titin Hadejia, Titin Zaria da Titin Panshekara. Duk waɗannan ƙari ne a kan tituna da dama a ciki da wajen Kano da gwamnatin ta ke ɓarjewa ta na gyarawa da waɗanda ta ke faɗaɗawa da kuma ƙirƙirowa. Akwai titunan ƙarƙashin ƙasa da gwamnatin ta ke yi gadan-gadan yanzu haka a Gadon-Kaya Da Kabuga.

Wasu manyan aiyukan na tarihi da gwamnatin ta ke kan yi sun haɗa da gina tashar wutar lantarki mai zaman kan ta daga madatsun ruwa na Challawa da Tiga mai ƙarfin megawatt 35, da kuma rufe shahararren Kogin Jakara domin yin titi a kansa. Bayan haka akwai yunƙurin samar da tashoshin manyan motoci guda biyu.

Gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta samar da birane guda uku sukutum a Jihar Kano. Biranen sune Kwankwasiyya, Amana da Bandirawo.

Gwamnatin Kano a ƙarƙashin Kwankwaso ta yi bakin ƙoƙari wajen bai wa kowanne fanni kulawa dai-dai gwargwado. Sassan lafiya, noma wasanni, ruwa, kimiyya da fasaha duk an taɓa su, sai dai a ce wani ɓangaren ya fi wani samun kulawa a gwamnatin.

2. SAMAR DA AIYUKAN YI DA ƊA’A A CIKIN AL’AMURA: kafin dawowar gwamnatin Kwankwaso,  a Kano ba a tsoron gwamnati; idan ta sa doka, ƙa’ida ko tsari ba a cika bi ba, ko kuma sai an ga dama a ke bi. Yanzu a Kano, wannan ta kau domin da wahala gwamnati ta faɗi abu a tsallake shi.

Bayan haka, kafin dawowar Kwankwaso, akwai ma’aikata da yawa da suke wasa da aikin gwamnati, amma daga zuwansa ya gyara musu zama sannan kuma ya fitar da ɗaruruwan ma’aikata na boge, na ƙarya waɗanda ake karɓe kuɗaɗen gwamnati da sunansu daga cikin tsari. Ko shakka babu, Kwankwaso ya yi maganin ɓarayi masu sace kuɗin gwamnati tun daga kan ƙananan hukumomi har zuwa jiha.

Gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta samar wa da dubban mutane aiyukan yi a gwamnati da kuma sana’o’i. Ta rarrabawa mutane da yawa tallafi domin yin jari da kuma rancen kuɗi da kayan aiki don bunƙasa sana’a.

A ƙarƙashin Hukumar Hisba, gwamnatin ta aurar da zaurawa da ‘yan mata sama da 1000 a Kano, wanda shi kansa wannan wani nau’i ne na samar da ɗa’a da tarbiyya. Gwamnatin ta hana barace-barace a kan titi tare da samar da tsari na musamman domin tallafawa da koyawa waɗannan mabarata  sana’ao’i domin dogaro da kansu kuma ta hana sakin dabbobi barkatai a kan titi.

Kwankwaso ya kafa hukumar KAROTA wacce ta taka rawar gani wajen kawo tsari da doka akan titunan Kano bda kuma harkar sufurin kan titi baki ɗaya.

1. INGANTA ILIMI: me yiwuwa wannan shi zai zamo bakandamiyar Gwamnatin Kwankwaso. Gwamnatin Kano a shekaru uku da suka gabata ta taka muhimmiyar rawar gani wajen inganta ilimin addini, firamare, sakandire, jami’a da sana’o’i.

Kwankwaso ya gina ajujuwa manya masu bene a kusan ɗaya bisa ukun na makarantun firamaren Kano baki ɗaya. Wannan ƙari ne  a kan ciyar da yara kyauta da basu kayan makaranta. Gwamnatin ta samar da ƙarin makarantun sakandire kuma ta ɗauki nauyin ɗaruruwan ‘ya’yan talakawa domin yin digiri na ɗay da na biyu a ƙasashen duniya daban-daban.

Idan mutane ɗarin da gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta ɗauki nauyi domin koyo tuƙin jirgi a ƙasar Jordan suka kammala, me yiwuwa Jihar Kano za ta iya zama jiha guda ɗaya mafi yawan matuƙa jirgin sama a faɗin Nahiyar Africa. Haka kuma ‘yan mata 100 da suke karatun likita a ƙasashen ƙetare za su taimaka wajen zamowar Jihar Kano kan gaba a yawan mata likitoci a Najeriya idan sun kamala karatunsu.

Gwamnatin Kano ta gina tare da gyara wasu makarantun islamiyyu da yawa, sannan ta samar da sabuwar jami’a sukutum mai suna North West University. Wannan ƙari ne akan dukkan makarantun gaba da sakandire na Jihar Kano da gwamnatin ta gyara kuma ta ɗaga darajarsu izuwa masu yin karatun NCE ko digiri. Kai  a taƙaice dai gwamnatin ta mayar da ilimi kyauta tun daga firamare har jami’a ga ‘yan asalin Jihar.

Bayan waɗannan, da wahala a samu wata sana’a ta gargajiya ko ta zamani wacce Kwankwaso bai yi wa babbar makaranta ba sukutum. Akwai makarantun koyon sana’o’i, noma, kasuwanci, tuƙi, kiwo, tsaro, wasanni da dai sauransu a warwatse a ƙananan hukuomi daban-daban na Kano.

MATSALOLI

5. KWANKWASIYYA: ɗaya daga cikin manyan matsalolin gwamnatin Kwankwaso shi ne ɗarikar sa ta Kwankwasiyya. Ya yi amfani da ƙarfin gwamnati ko dai kai-tsaye ko kuma kai-zaune wajen tilasta wannan aƙida ta sa a kan jama’ar Kano. Babu yadda za a yi Kwankwaso ya shigo da kai cikin gwamnatinsa sai ka sa jar hula, idan kuma ka na cikin ta sai ka saka ta don kada a yi waje da kai. Abin kamar almara.

Kwankwaso ya yi amfani da kuɗin gwamnati da dukiyar al’umma ya yi aiyuka amma duk ya bi ya rubuce su da sunan ɗarikarsa wacce kuma ita ba hukuma ce ta gwamnati ba. Idan ɗan kwangila ya yi wa gwamnati aiki bai rubuta sunan Kwankwaso a jiki ba, to ba lallai ne gaba idan ya nemi kwangila a ba shi ba, don haka tsirarun aiyuka ne kawai za ka ga babu sunan Kwankwasiyya a jiki.

Kafin zuwa Kwankwaso ya zargi gwamnatin baya da sanya siyasa a cikin harkokin gwamnati inda ya yi kira ga kantomomin ƙananan hukumomi na wancan lokaci, a matsayinsu na ma’aikata da su daina yarda ana yin amfani da su a siyasa. Sai ga shi babu kantomomin da suka kai na Kwankwaso shiga da taka rawa a cikin siyasa. Bayan haka sama da kimanin 90% na mata, matasa da sauransu da ya bai wa jari ko tallafi a ƙarƙashin shirinsa na CRC dukkansu ko dai ’yan Kwankwasiyya ne ko kuma ‘yan uwan ‘yan Kwankwasiyya ko waɗanda suka kama ƙafa da su. Akwai matan da suka dinga samun jarin sau da yawa a maimakon sau ɗaya domin su ‘yan ɗariƙar ta sa ne.

Sannan kuma an zargi gwamnati da yin amfani da kuɗaɗen jama’a ta na sayen jajayen huluna buhunna-buhunna ana rabawa a ƙananan hukumomi, wai dole sai an yi aƙidar Kwankwasiyya.

4. TAKURAWA DA TAUYEWA: zai yi wahala a samu gwamnatin da ta takurawa mutane, ma’aikata da ma muƙarrabanta kamar  gwamnatin Kwankwaso ba. Gwamnatin ba ta fiye duba masalahar jama’a ba a mafi yawancin abin da ta ke yi. A wasu lokutan, aiyukan da gwamnatin ta sa kan ta, shi za ta yi ko da kuwa ba shi ne mafi dacewa ga jama’ar wannan guri ba. Sannan kuma kullum tunanin gwamnatin shi ne  sai an yi komai ta ƙarfi sannan zai samu nasara kuma a hakan ma sai an yi shi cikin gadara. Sannan gwamnatin ba ta fiye girmama dokar da ba ita ta kafa ba.

Tsaruka na Ihsani da gwamnati ta ke yi domin kyautatwa ma’aikatan ta , Kwankwaso ko dai ya raunata su ko kuma ya yi musu ƙanshin mutuwa. Sai an ga dama a ke bayar da ɗan kuɗin gero da na rago da ma’aikatan suka saba samu a baya. Tsaruka na kyautatwa jama’a da gwamnatin baya ta ke yi kamar su ciyarwa lokacin azumi duk sun yi rauni a gwamnatin sa.

Gwamnatin Kano a ƙarƙashin Kwankwaso ta hana har da ma muƙarrabanta su yi aikinsu. Sai ka ga abin da bai kai ya kawo ba wanda bai wuce a bai wa wani jami’in gwamnati dama ya aiwatar da shi ba, amma gwamna sai yace zai aiwatar da kansa, da alam bai yarda da kowa ba sai kansa. Sannan kuma majalisar dokokin Jihar Kano ba ta taɓa zama hoto ko ‘yar amshin shatar gwamna ba kamar a wannan lokaci. Duk dokar da gwamna yak e so a ƙirƙira ko a yi wa gyaran fuska, to an gama kawai ba tare da wani ɓata lokaci ba. Hatta shugabancin majalisar ma, gwamna ne ya ke da ta cewa a kan sa.

Bayan haka, gwamnatin ta kawo tawaya a tsarin aiyukan ta da kanta domin aiyuka da yawa ta kan yi su ne kawai a inda za a gani, kamar bakin titi amma ba a inda suka dace ba. Misali, manyan ajujuwa benaye na firamare, da wahala gwamnatin ta gina muku shi idan makarantar ku ba a bakin titi ta ke ba, komai buƙatar ku da shi, kuma ko da makarantar a bakin titi ta ke, ba lallai ne a duba inda ya dace ba a cikin makarantar, a’a sai inda zai kallo titi a ga tambarin Kwankwasiyyar nan ƙarara.

3. ƘANANAN HUKUMOMI : A ƙarƙashin gwamnatin Kwankwaso ne Jihar Kano ta samu kantomomi waɗanda sune mafi daɗewa a kan mulki a tarihi ba tare da an shirya zaɓe ba. Sannan kuma gwamnatin ita ta shirya kuma ta aiwatar da zaɓen ƙananan hukumomi mafi muni da rashin inganci a tarihin Jihar Kano. Bayan haka gwamnatin ta yi amfani da ƙarfin ta wajen ɗaurewa waɗanda bas u cancanta ba gindi domin samun mulkin ƙananan hukumomi. An zargi wasu daga cikin Ciyamomin da rashin ilimi, ƙwarewa da kuma iya aiki.

Duk waɗannan abubuwa ƙari ne a kan maƙurewa da gwamnatin ta ke yi wa ƙananan hukumomi ta hanyar hanasu kuɗaɗensu da kuma haƙƙoƙinsu. Gwamnatin ta hanasu cikakken ‘yanci tare da damar da za su yi wa mutane aiki, sai dai zaɓi irin aikin da za ayi musu a lokacin da ka ga dama ko da kuwa ba shi suke muradi ba. Shugabannin ƙananan hukumomi na wannan lokacin kusan ba su da maraba da hotuna.

Bayan haka gwamnatin ta ƙi yi wa jama’a cikakken bayanin adadin kuɗaɗen da suka shigo aljihun ƙananan hukumomi daga Gwamnatin Tarayya tun daga watan Mayun 2011 zuwa yanzu tare da faɗar abubuwan da ta yi da su, kuma nawa ne ya rage, kuma me ya sa ta ke hanasu kuɗaɗensu, sannan wacce doka ce ta ba ta damar yin hakan?

2. ƘWACE FILAYE DA RUGUJE GIDAJE : gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta yi rushe-rushen gidaje da ƙwace filaye nau’i biyu. Nau’in farko shi ne waɗanda ta ruguje ko ta karɓe da ba sa kan ƙa’ida ko kuma suna kan ƙa’ida amma ta na buƙatar yin wani abu mai muhimmianci da su kuma  ta bayar da isasshiyar sanarwa tare da biyan kuɗin diyya a inda hakan ta dace. Kashi na biyu shi ne wanda ta karɓe ko ta ruguje ko dai, suna kan ƙa’ida ko ba sa kan ƙa’ida, ba tare kuma da cikakkiyar sanarwa ba kuma ba tare da biyan diyya ba, sannan kuma bayan ta karɓe sai ta ɓige da yin wani abu wanda ba shi ne masalahar jama’a ba.

Mutane da yawa sun zargi gwamnatin da zalunci da kuma cutarwa ga jama’a yayin da ta ƙwace wasu filaye da dama kuma ta ruguje gidajen da aka fara ginawa ba tare da ta biya kowa diyya ba, kuma ta sake yanka waɗannan filaye ta rarrabawa ‘yan siyasa. Wannan ya na daga ciin abubuwan da suka zubarwa da gwamnatin daraja musamman a idon masu ƙaramin ƙarfi.

Bayan haka duk rushe-rushen da gwmanatin ta ke yi a tsawon shekaru uku, amma ta kasa kawo ƙarshen kasa kaya a bakin tituna da kuma ƙaro rumfunan shaguna zuwa bakin titi tare da gina kes-kes, duk dai a kan titin.

1. AIKIN TITIN KILOMITA BIYAR-BIYAR: aikin titin kilomita biyar-biyar da gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta ke yi a ƙananan hukumomi 44 zai iya zamowa aiki guda ɗaya da gwamnatin ta fi narka kuɗaɗe fiye da kowanne aiki a cikinsa kuma sannan ya zamo aiki mafi rashin nasara da gwamnatin ta yi a tsawon shekaru ukun da suka gabata. Da farko dai da wahala a samu titi guda ɗaya a cikin 44 ɗin da ake yin sa a ƙasa da naira miliyan 1000 (Biliyan 1).

A cikin kusan shekaru biyu da aka yi ana aiyukan titunan, da wahala a samu guda goma waɗanda aka kammala a cikin guda 44, wasu ƙananan hukumomin ma an daina aikin. Bayan haka wasu aiyukan titin an yi sune akan manyan titunan Gwamnatin Tarayya wanda hakan zai iya jawowa gwamnatin ta tarayya ta ɓarje su yayin da ta buƙaci yin amfani da titin ta, wannan kuwa ba ƙaramar ɓarnar dukiya bace. Irin waɗanda wannan matsala za ta iya shafa sun haɗa da Bichi, Tsanyawa, Rimin-Gado da sauransu.

Duk wannan ma kaɗan ne idan aka yi la’akari da rashin ingancin aiyukan domin wasu ma sun fara lalacewa tun kafin a fara amfani da su. A taƙaice dai gwamnatin ta yi asarar sama da naira biliyan 50 akan wannan aiki, ba tare da an samu sakamakon da ya kamata ba. 

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

Motar Haya a Jihar Kano.....

10 Ga Satumba, 2014.

Daga: Amir Abdulazeez

D

uk da cewar harkar sufuri ta na ɗaya daga cikin harkoki mafi muhimmanci a rayuwarmu ta yau, amma ba ma ba ta cikakkiyar kulawar da ta ke buƙata. Akwai haƙƙoki da yawa a kan gwamnati, direbobi, mamallaka abubuwan sufuri da kuma jama’ar gari, waɗanda sai mun kula da su sannan harkar za ta inganta.

Duk da cewar ba ni da cikakken ilimi a kan yadda  harkar sufuri ta haya ta ke gudana a mafi yawan jihohin Najeriya, amma ina da cikakkiyar masaniyar cewar harkar ta na cikin yanayi mara kyau a Jihar Kano. Fiye da kashi uku bisa huɗu na al’ummar Jihar Kano sun dogara ne da motocin haya domin zirga-zirgarsu. Ƙalilan ne suke da abubuwan hawa nasu na kansu. Wannan ta na nuna cewar jama’a suna da haƙƙin  kawo gyara a kan yadda tsarin motocin haya suke gudanar da aiyukansu. Idan da mutane za su saka kishi a zuciyoyinsu ma, ba sai sun jira gwamnati ta sa hannu a waɗannan al’amura ba.

Idan mu ka kalli girman Kano da yawan mutanenta waɗanda a ke ƙiyasata yawansu da sama da miliyan 12, to za mu ƙiyasata cewar aƙalla yawan motocin da suke zagayawa a kan titunan Kano sun haura miliyan guda ko kuma wani abu makamancin haka. A cikin wannan adadin, za mu iya cewa 65% motocin haya ne, ko dai tasi-tasi ko kuma bas-bas. Bisa wannan lissafi, idan ka ɗauke Jihar Lagos, babu jihar da ake kai kawo kamar Kano, amma da wahala a samu jihar da tsarin sufurin hayar ta ya ke kara zube kamar Kanon.

Abu na farko dai, a Kano ba ka buƙatar izini ko shawarar kowa ko wata hukuma kafin ka mallaki motar haya ko kafin ka zama direban motar haya. Idan ma akwai wata doka ko hukuma mai kula da hakan, to ba ta aikin ta. Wannan ta sa a yau za ka iya sayen motocin haya ko guda nawa ka ke so kawai ka zuba a kan titi kuma ka sa su su dinga bin hanyar da suka ga dama. Sannan kuma, in dai ka iya mota, to kawai sai ka kama tuƙa motar haya, da wuya a samu mai ce maka uffan. Me yiwuwa idan aka yi sa’ar gaske jami’an Road Saftey su tambaye ka diraba lasin sau ɗaya ko sau biyu a shekara.

Shekarun baya, Gwamnatin Kano ta fara tilastawa bas-bas yin wani fentin kore da ruwan ɗorawa domin a iya ganesu, amma yanzu da alama an daina ƙarfafa dokar kamar da. Sannan kuma kwanakin baya, lokacin da matsalar tsaro ta ta’azzara, gwamnati ta ɓullo da tsarin yi wa babura masu ƙafa uku rajista bayan da aka soke achaɓa, amma wannan rajista ba mu samu labarin ta haɗa da bas-bas ko tasi-tasi ba.

Abu na biyu, motocin haya a Kano suna ɗauka da sauke fasinja a duk inda suka ga dama. Babu wata tsayayyiyar madakata wato Bus Stop, kawai za su iya tsayawa a kowanne lokaci, kuma mafi yawanci ba sa kunna sigina ko su nuna alamar tsayawa. Bayan haka kuma motocin haya su kan yi lodi a inda suka ga dama, ko’ina a Kano tasha ne. Kwanakin baya hukumar kula da harkar sufurin kan  titunan Jihar Kano wato KAROTA ta ɗan kawo gyara a kan wannan al’amura ta hanyar hana lodin fasinjoji a wasu gurare, to amma hakan bai magance ko da 20% na matslar ba. Sannan kuma, ita kan ta KAROTA ɗin ta yi sakaci kwana biyu, domin inda ta hana tsayawar a baya, yanzu duk kusan an dawo ana tsayawa.

Abu na uku, mafi yawan motocin haya a Kano tsofaffi ne kuma lalatattu, wasu ma sun gama mutuwa. Da yawa daga cikinsu, bai kamata a bar su su dinga ma hawa kan titi ba balle ma su ɗebi mutane. Me yiwuwa wannan ce ta sa direbobin motocin suke yin tuƙin da suka ga dama, domin basu da asara ko an buga musu. Wannan ya taimaka da gaske wajen lalata yanayin tuƙi tare da ƙin bin dokokin kan titi a cikin Birnin Kano. Bayan haka wasu daga cikin direbobin ba su da tarbiyya balle ɗa’a. Sai ka ga mutum ya na tuƙi daga shi sai singileti ko gajeren wando, ko ka ga kwandastan bas ya na zagi da yi wa fasinjoji sa’annin iyayen sa rashin kunya.

Abu na huɗu, da yawa a cikin motocin hayar Kano ba sa son biyan harajin N20 ko N50 a rana wanda gwamnatocin ƙananan hukumomi ta kan sanya musu. Sai ka ga mai bayar da rasit ya na yi wa direba magana, amma sai ya ga dama zai kula shi, kamar ya na nuna shi ya fi ƙarfin gwamnati ko kuma ita gwamnatin ba ta damu da harkar sa ba. Ga shi kuma wani lokacin farashin motar haya a Kano ba shi da wata ƙa’ida, wani lokaci kwandasta sai ya caje ka yadda ya ga dama sai dai a yi ta rigima. Wani lokacin kuma su ɗauko fasinja da niyyar za su kai shi wani waje amma sai su ƙi ƙarasawa da shi, kawai sai su juye shi a inda suka ga dama, masu adalcin cikinsu ne ma suke saka shi a wata motar ko su dawo masa da wani ɓangare na kuɗinsa.

Abu na biyar, mafi yawancin masu motar haya ba sa ɗaukar adadin fasinja dai-dai da abin da motar za ta iya ɗauka ba. Misali a cikin tasi, sai su cusa mutum huɗu a baya kamar kayan wanki, mutum biyu kuma a gaba, tare da cewa wani ma cinyarsa a kan giya ko hanbrek ɗin motar ya ke, da ƙyar direba zai dinga sarrafa motar saboda matsatsi. Idan kuma bas ce, sai a zuba mutane a maleji, wani lokacin har da but dan hauka. Maimakon haka, ai kyautuwa ya yi a ɗan yi ƙarin kuɗin mota N10 ko N20. Kwanaki da na shiga bas daga unguwarmu zuwa ‘Yankura, na kalli yadda muka gwamutsu a cikin ta, babu wani sararin da iska ta ke zagayawa ko kaɗan, sai na ce  a raina yanzu abin Allah Ya kiyaye, da cutar Ebola za ta zo Kano, ai da babu hanyar da za ta fi saurin yaɗuwa kamar a cikin motocin haya.

Bayan haka sai ka ga an gwamutsa maza da mata su matsu sosai a kujera ɗaya. Sai kawai ka ji rabin jikin matar aure a kwance a jikinka a cikin tasi ko bas, wai ai motar haya ce, larura ce. Idan muka je lahira, dukkanmu sai mu taru mu yi wa Allah bayanin wannan wacce irin larura ce haka. Irin wannan gwamutsa maza da mata da muke yi a cikin motocin haya shi yake kawo taɓarɓarewar tarbiyya da kuma masifu iri-iri. Zai iya zama ɗaya daga cikin dalilan da Allah SWT Ya sa ya ke jarrabtar mu da bala’o’i iri-iri.

Waɗannan matsaloli sai mun taru mun haɗa ƙarfi da ƙarfe sannan za mu iya yaƙar su kuma dole mu ɗauke su da gaske ba da wasa ba. Mu matsalar mu ita ce, in dai abu bai shafi neman kuɗi ko neman abinci ba, to ba mai muhimmanci ba ne.

Ƙungiyoyin direbobi da masu motocin haya su tashi tsaye wajen tsaftace sana’arsu. Gwamnati ta kafa tsauraran dokoki da matakai kuma ta tabbatar ana binsu. Gwamnatain  Kano za ta iya faɗaɗa aiyukan hukumar KAROTA don su ƙunshi magance waɗannan abubuwa sannan kuma jama’ar gari su bayar da haɗin kai tun da ba wanda ya fi su cutuwa da wannan matsala ta hanyar bin duk wasu dokoki da za a gindaya tare kuma ƙauracewa dukkan mai motar da bai cika ƙa’idoji ba.

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

Nigerian ‘Fighting’ Federation (NFF)

8th September, 2014.

By: Amir Abdulazeez

S

ome few years ago, the Nigerian Football Association (NFA) renamed itself to Nigerian Football Federation (NFF), but recent developments have shown that the ‘F’ in the middle of those acronyms shouldn’t have maintained the meaning: ‘football’. The word ‘fighting’ would be more suitable. Alternatively NFF can have a new name as NFFF meaning, Nigerian Football and Fighting Federation. It is largely obvious that the NFF has done as much fighting as it has football in its contemporary history before and after it was renamed. Meanwhile, a former President of the NFA was alleged to have illegally changed its name, ignoring Act 101 of 1992 that set up the NFA. Due to this some people view the NFF as a completely illegal body, because according to them, the law only recognizes NFA.

The NFF and its stakeholders have turned Nigerian football into a crisis and with each election, that crisis is re-enacted there-by making it unending. It is needless to attempt a run down on the history of football governing crisis in Nigeria, but one thing is clear, it has become perennial and part of our football culture. If not for such crises, Nigeria’s football development would not have been stunted and stagnated by the 4-yearly crisis that precedes and follows every election into the board since 1992.

What is causing crisis in the NFF? Probably, there are a thousand answers to this question, depending on who you ask, but one major answer might suffice, that is the African attitude of power greediness. However this answer may not be sufficient considering the fact that the current FIFA President, Sepp Blatter himself have been at the helm for a very long time. Blatter, 78, was elected on 8 June 1998, succeeding João Havelange. He was re-elected as President in 2002, 2007 and 2011 and he has recently confirmed that he will stand for a fifth term, which he is much likely to win, probably unopposed. Also Lennart Johansson, the former UEFA president served for a very long time of 17 years before he was ousted in 2007 by current President, Michel Platini. The question is why are these people hanging desperately to power without major incidents being heard of, unlike our case here? Then we need to identify other reasons aside the African power sit-tight syndrome which has also obviously kept Issa Hayatou at the helm of CAF since 1988.

One of our major problems is that we always attempt to turn everything into a money making business. It is true that globally football is seen as one of the most lucrative businesses, but the case is not true here in Nigeria and Africa. In Nigeria, government sponsors even football clubs, therefore the game is being followed for passion.

Government is the direct sponsor of football in Nigeria and unfortunately football is run just like politics. The whole issue starts with the appointment of a minister for sports. Most presidents will not appoint a person with the right credentials and the passion for sports, but they will appoint a party man as pay back for his support during the elections and he will eventually mess the whole ministry up. A lot of money is involved in sports and particularly football, therefore, many if not all people coming into the game’s administration are doing so for the financial gains and shady deals involved. This is the root of the crisis.

Nigerian football received some big boosts on the pitch from 2013 to date especially in major senior and junior continental and FIFA tournaments. But, from the administrative side, things are not the way they should be. The NFF leadership succession crisis; Stephen Keshi’s contract renewal saga; the Nation’s Cup qualifiers are round the corner and Nigeria does not look to be organized and prepared; the various junior and female national teams are playing international competitions that most Nigerians are following only peripherally; the domestic Nigerian leagues are going on predictably with the usual shenanigans of teams never losing home matches and referees almost always influencing who wins or loses, are all testimony to this.

The FIFA Emergency Committee decided on 9 July 2014, to suspend the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) with immediate effect, on account of government interference. Article 13, par. 1 and article 17, par. 1 of the FIFA Statutes oblige member associations to manage their affairs independently and with no influence from third parties. The decision follows a letter sent by FIFA to the NFF on 4 July 2014, in which it expressed its great concern after the NFF was served with court proceedings and consequently an order preventing the president of the NFF, the NFF Executive Committee members and the NFF Congress from running the affairs of Nigerian football was granted by a High Court of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. FIFA declared that the suspension will be lifted once the court actions have been withdrawn and the properly elected NFF Executive Committee, the NFF general assembly and the NFF administration are able to work without any interference in their affairs. FIFA later gave Nigeria a fresh September 8 deadline to resolve all issues around electing new executives for the Nigeria Football Federation, NFF. FIFA, on its official website, stated that a fresh letter was on Wednesday sent to NFF intimating the Federation that Nigeria will be suspended with immediate effect should there still be persons claiming to have been elected to NFF positions on 26 August 2014 and occupying their offices on Monday, 8 September 2014 at 08.00 (Central European Time).

FIFA explained the decision not to recognize the purported polls held on August 26 in Abuja. It said that though the general assembly was duly convened by the NFF Executive Committee to adopt a new roadmap leading to the NFF elections, some members proceeded to hold elections in the absence of the NFF President, who was being held by security forces for questioning. Meanwhile, ahead of the deadline, the Federal Government has according to media reports asked Chris Giwa, the man who was announced as the winner of the August 26 NFF elections, to step aside and stop parading himself as the president and subsequently asked embattled President, Aminu Maigari to arrange for a fresh and proper election. Chris Giwa it was reported has threatened to the defy deadline and sue FIFA.

A football expert, analyst and administrator while expressing his opinion in Complete Sports website noted that, one thing that FIFA must be made to understand is that African football cannot survive without government, as time and experience have clearly taught us through the years. Africa is neither Europe nor America, so, irrespective of what FIFA may say to the contrary, the absolute reality (and FIFA know it too) is that the ‘independence’ of any African football federation can only be limited to the extent of government’s agenda and strategy to drive the football association without offending the rules of FIFA.

Former Nigerian Minister of Sports, Mr. Damishi Sango also recently called on the world’s Football government body to appreciate the peculiarities of African football and allow African governments have a say in how the sport is administered in their countries. He said FIFA should know that unlike what obtains in Europe, African football is funded by government and so such peculiarity must be appreciated by the international body.

Sango told Daily Trust that a situation where by government’s attempt to know how the money it has released to football is spent is seen as interference is not correct and so FIFA should amend its laws to accommodate governments of its affiliates.

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

‘Commander-in-Chief of NTA’

6^th September, 2014

By: Amir Abdulazeez

L

ast week, Kano State Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso said President Goodluck Jonathan appears to be more of the Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) than of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, because of the promotional television jingles that according to him wrongly compare the President with other successful world leaders.

Here were Kwankwaso’s exact words as quoted by some newspapers: “I find it very insulting to see those who have failed in their primary assignments insulting us on NTA and other televisions, wearing uniform, comparing themselves, pretending to be first class leaders like Barack Obama, like Mandela and other leaders who have protected their people. Many of us are beginning to wonder whether we have Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces or Commander-in-Chief of NTA”.

Kwankwaso has been a fierce and frontline critic of the President ever since they formed the breakaway rebel governors group and his criticism has been at its peak in recent weeks and months. Some will easily dismiss his latest description of the President as political rhetoric, intense opposition or even hate. He may or may not have anything personal against the President, but it is on record that the two leaders have never been friends since 2011. The Kano State Governor’s frequent outbursts on the presidency may not be unconnected with his own presidential ambition which sources reveal that he would soon make public. Going by the President’s massive presence on NTA, Kwankwaso could not have chosen more appropriate words for his description.

Not only Jonathan, even Kwankwaso and all his counterparts are guilty of dominating and personalizing media organizations under their control. The only differences are that some dominate more than others while some make little room for access by opposition. A critical analysis of the ARTV (Kano State Government owned TV Station) shows that something that has to do with Governor Kwankwaso is being broadcasted at every one-hour and sometimes 30-minutes interval on the station. However, as opposed to Jonathan, Kwankwaso is a man of his words and a truly result-oriented leader who makes sure he is completely and responsibly in charge of anything that has to do with Kano State. In all his speeches and media jingles, the governor compares himself with no one but himself, probably due to his enormous achievements which he is very proud of or due to his alleged arrogance.

Keeping the security aspect as well as the deep and partisan politics out of Kwankwaso’s statement, one can be able to raise three fundamental issues out of what he said. Firstly, there is the need to properly define the role and mandate of a government-owned media in Nigeria and the extent to which it can be controlled and dominated by those in power. Secondly, there is need to determine how and what type of propaganda can be regarded as acceptable in politics and other public issues. Thirdly, there is need to determine whether the electoral act’s limitation on financial campaign expenses is actually practicable and enforceable.

One of the most annoying experiences in Nigeria nowadays is to tune-in to a State Government or Federal Government-owned radio or TV station. This is because most of what is been broadcast is systematically partisan and occasionally one-sided in favour of those that are in power either at the federal level or at the various states. At times, their coverage is directly bias, shamelessly misjudging and unfortunately sycophantic. The situation with these government-owned media becomes worse during electioneering campaigns where they display their partisanship openly. They tend to give unlimited and obviously free access to those in power and various sources indicate that they directly block access by opposition citing anonymous orders from above or challenging the content of their adverts as contravening some bizarre laws as reasons. In most times, they indirectly block access to opposition through exorbitant advert rates. Therefore, the impression you get is that the NTA personally belongs to the president or a state-owned television belongs to the state governor. These media organizations belong to the government, the government belongs to the people and they should therefore do the work of the people.

This brings us to the second issue of the type of adverts or jingles to be accepted or rejected by the media. It is apparently very difficult for any media outfit, whether public or privately owned to reject paid adverts, unless of course if it has serious legal implications. But to be honest, some jingles are simply insulting on peoples’ sensibilities. Even an uneducated and less enlightened person will simply know that it is child’s play to try to compare President Jonathan with Nelson Mandela, but what about kids who may not know Mandela at all and had never read about him? This is grave injustice to Mandela and if I were part of his family, I can consider legal action. The presidency had claimed that they are not financing the pro-Jonathan groups who are sponsoring such adverts, but at least the political handlers of the President should orient these groups on how project him in public image and not to cause him embarrassment through unnecessary comparisms. Furthermore, some of these jingles are simply disseminating falsehood. You watch in state-government-owned stations that governors have performed wonders and miracles in their states but that is not the reality on ground. The most stupid thing with these media outfits is that they will be shamelessly telling you things that are completely contrary to what is on ground and they will give little or no opportunity to others to oppose it.

The last issue is the need to determine the source and legality of campaign funds, time and duration of campaigns and whether the electoral act’s limitation on financial campaign expenses is actually practicable and enforceable.  Daily Trust Newspaper reported in April this year that pro-Jonathan groups were sponsoring expensive television jingles, newspaper advertisements and billboards in strategic locations, with messages on the need to re-elect the president in 2015, several months away from the time allowed by law for electioneering by INEC. According to the paper, questions had been raised previously on the source of funding for the groups, as well as the legality of their actions since the Presidency had clearly stated that it was not footing the bills. Estimates show that the amounts spent so far could run into billions of naira.

By law, political campaign is supposed to start not earlier than 90 days to an election and the presidential election is scheduled for February next year which is more than 150 days from now. However, INEC itself seems confused because when Daily Trust contacted the spokesman for INEC chairman Attahiru Jega, Mr. Kayode Idowu last month, he told them that the commission and the political parties were consulting to have a consensus on what exactly constitutes a political campaign. So, all this while; INEC itself does not know what constitutes a campaign and what does not?

One of the easiest and most effective ways to make our country great is to learn to respect simple rules and obey stated laws governing whatever activity. Furthermore, everything must be kept in its place. Just because something belongs to the government doesn’t mean the person in power can handle it the way he likes. I believe this is part of the reason why many Nigerians patronize foreign and private-owned media despite the fact that they have to pay for it as against government-owned which are free.

Politicians must realize that the best way to advertise and sell yourself is to live up to your leadership responsibilities and to perform creditably well. No amount of media jingles can change the reality that is on ground.

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com