Mallam Nuhu Ribadu: Between Ambition and Conscience

17^th August, 2014

By: Amir Abdulazeez

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 no longer have any problem whatsoever with defections, re-defections and counter-defections of Nigerian politicians from one political party to another. The only reason why I am having a little problem with the issue now is because it involves Mallam Nuhu Ribadu.

I have had three major encounters with Ribadu. Although I have been seeing and hearing of him for the past nine years, but the first time I met him was some few weeks to the 2011 presidential elections. I met him in Kano during an interactive session at Mumbayya House in which he answered some questions from a group of people drawn from diverse interests. The event was so organized and colourful that I began to wonder who were the sponsors of his candidacy, especially that I never know him to be a very wealthy person. He himself had said so in some of his interviews

That night, I was among those who asked him some questions on how he intends to govern a multi-dimensional Nigeria, most of which he convincingly answered. He referred some other questions to his running mate, Fola Adeola, who didn’t do badly either. I carefully observed Ribadu as he kept answering questions and I noticed some extra-ordinary sincerity in his eyes which I believe came directly from his heart. I only found him somehow wanting when one fellow asked him on whether during his time as EFCC boss, he was used by Obasanjo to witch-hunt political enemies of the President?  Ribadu tried very hard to convince his audience that that was not the case. Unlike in the case of the other questions, I noticed the unusual additional energy Ribadu expended in defending himself, hence I was not convinced. Regardless of Ribadu’s shortcomings during his time as EFCC boss, I think few will argue that he did an excellent job in the commission and he must be credited with setting the standards for fighting financial corruption in Nigeria.

Many people viewed Ribadu as a joker at that time, but after the end of that interactive session, I did not only resolve to support him in the elections, but I also held him in high esteem and one of the best among the elites in this country.

My second encounter with Ribadu came about ten days after the first when we met in Yola, the capital city of his home state, Adamawa. Our meeting with him was organized by a handful of youths and political organizations with the purpose of getting a satisfactory explanation  from him as to why they failed to reach a consensus between him, Shekarau and Buhari so that they could face Jonathan as a united and strong opposition.

Ribadu was a very simple and humble man; he left the high table and walked to the midst of the mini crowd which we formed. He collected the microphone and delivered one of the most brilliant political lectures I have heard which lasted for over an hour. 

His words were inspiring as much as they were encouraging and enlightening. He admitted that a lot of difficult reasons have not allowed them to reach a consensus because some of them deliberately refuse to cooperate and hence it was too late to stop Jonathan from winning the election. But he assured us that change is a sure thing in 2015 and he will be part of it. Has Ribadu now abandoned the quest for change or is the available option at hand   not good enough? That is a question for another day.

My third and last encounter with Ribadu was early this year when I read what I assume to be his lengthiest interview with a weekly Hausa newspaper, whose editor is a good friend of mine.  That paper dedicated about ten pages to the interview in which Ribadu extensively discussed his private, professional and political life. When reading that interview, I felt like I was having a conversation with him. He absolved Tinubu and other Yoruba political leaders from the blame of the failure of the defunct ACN to win the South West in the presidential elections. He also explained the rot in the Nigerian oil industry. He lamented the non-co-operation of the petroleum minister, Deizani Madueke to the Presidential Task Force on Petroleum Revenue which he headed as well as the failure of the presidency to act on the report of the task force. I could recall one of the committee members saying that Ribadu was the only person in the committee who refused to collect a single Kobo as allowance throughout their sittings. He turned all financial offers down and stressed that he was doing it for his fatherland. Therefore, those who thought that he accepted the President’s offer to head the task force for financial gain were mistaken.

I have noticed the build-up and the suspense to Ribadu’s defection to PDP, but I can’t exactly say why he made that decision which from the little I know of him seems to be largely in parallel with his convictions and principles. Meanwhile, why is joining the PDP always being regarded by many Nigerians as a sin?

Abdulrazaque Bello-Barkindo noted that: “Why Nigerians so sternly dislike the PDP is a factor that is hard to explain. The difference between the party and the opposition is the one between six and half a dozen. Their constitutions were written by the same people just as they are populated by members who have inter-defected back and forth over a period that makes it seem like the Nigerian party membership is a ride on a pendulum. So I wonder where the issue lies.”

Now that Ribadu has joined PDP at this crucial moment, it will be very difficult or may be premature to judge him. We have been made to believe that he is nursing the ambition of becoming the next Adamawa State governor and that ambition played a major role in his defection. If this is true, then the Ribadu I know must have a mission and a vision which is far much bigger than just becoming governor. I believe that by sacrificing his presidential ambition to a lower ambition of a governor, then he must be up to something, or was he not really serious with his presidential ambition? I am afraid, under a free and fair exercise; Ribadu cannot clinch the PDP gubernatorial ticket. This is obviously because; I don’t see the stakeholders of Adamawa PDP surrendering the hard-earned dividends of their long time battle to a person who just joined the party. Whether the presidency will successfully force that on them is a different matter entirely.

Defections have become so common in Nigerian politics. I keep wondering how a whole former presidential flag bearer of an opposition party will just join the ruling party for flimsy reasons. Ribadu’s case is confusing; he is a man of honour and excellence. The real truth behind why he joined PDP, I don’t know and I am not in a position to judge. But something deep inside me tells me that he acted against his conscience.

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

Yadda Shekarau da Kwankwaso Suka Lalata Siyasar Kano

28 ga Mayu, 2014

Dakta Rabi'u Musa Kwankwaso tare da Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau

Daga: Amir Abdulazeez

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un a zamanin NEPU da PRP, duniya ta ke yi wa Jihar Kano kallon madubin siyasar Arewacin Najeriya. Wannan ya biyo bayan aiki tuƙuru da gwarazan ‘yan kishin ƙasa irinsu Mallam Aminu Kano suka yi wajen nema wa Jihar Kano irin wannan matsayi. Domin kuwa irin nagartaccen samfurin siyasar da su Marigayi Aminu Kano, Muhammad Abubakar Rimi, Dan Masanin Kano da sauran irinsu suka gudanar a wancan lokaci, ya taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen ɗaga darajar siyasar Kanon musamman a Arewacin Najeriya.

A wancan lokaci, Jihar Kano ta yi fice wajen zaɓen mutum ko jam’iyyar da ta ke so a kowanne irin mataki ba tare da tsoro, kwaɗayi ko maguɗi ba.

A shekarar 1979, Jihar Kano ta zaɓi jam’iyyar PRP duk kuwa da cewa NPN ita a ke yayi a Najeriya kuma ita ce jam’iyyar da ta fi kowacce ƙarfi. A shekarar 1983, an juya wa Muhammad Abubakar Rimi baya duk da cewa shi ne ya ke da mulki kuma a ka zaɓi Sabo Bakin-Zuwo duk da cewar bai fi  Rimin farin jini a karan kansa ko kuma sanin siyasa ba. A waɗannan  lokuta, duk ƙarfin mulkin ka, ba ka isa ka tilastawa mutane su yi irin siyasar da ka ke so ba, ko kuma ka murɗe mu su zaɓe ba. Ire-iren waɗannan abubuwa su suka sanya a ke sha’awar siyasar Kano a ko’ina a Arewa kuma ya sanya ta shahara a fadin Najeriya.

A shekarar 2003, siyasar Jihar Kano ta cigaba da kafa tarihi inda ta samu ƙarin matsayi daga madubin Arewacin Najeriya zuwa madubin siyasar Najeriya baki ɗaya. Wannan ya biyo bayan zaɓen Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau da kuma faɗuwar Injiniya Dakta Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso. A lokacin, an yi ikirarin cewar Shekarau ya ci zaɓe alhalin ba shi da ajiyayyar N100,000 inda ya kayar da Gwamna Kwankwaso mai ƙarfin mulki, kuɗi da alfarma. Duk Najeriya ba inda aka taɓa ganin haka a wannan lokacin sannan kuma bayan yin la’akari da lalcewar al’amuran zaɓe a ƙarƙashin gwamnatin Shugaba Obasanjo  a wannan shekara,  an yi ittifaƙin cewar, babu inda aka gudanar da sahihin zaɓe a duk Najeriya kamar a Jihar Kano. A wannan shekara, ba wai Gwamna Kwankwaso kadai ba, a’a, ‘yan majalisu da dama ma su ƙarfin kuɗi da mulki sun yi asarar kujerunsu. Duk da cewa akwai gagarumin tasirin Janaral Buhari a siyasar Kano a wannan lokaci, amma wannan shekara ta 2003 ita ta tabbatar wa da duniya cewar siyasar Jihar Kano ta na nan daram yadda aka santa duk da lalacewar da siyasar Najeriya ta yi. Wato kuɗin ka ko mulkinka ko maguɗin ka a Kano bai isa ya ba ka mulki ba ba tare da sahalewar talakawa ba.

Tun daga wannan lokaci, duk inda ka je sai ka ji ana cewa ai ba ka isa ka yi maguɗi ko ƙarfa-ƙarfa a Jihar Kano ba, saboda yanayin siyasar jihar ya fi ƙarfin a yi mata irin cin kashin da a ke yi a sauran jihohi.

Duk waɗannan abubuwa da na ke zayyanowa a yanzu sun zama tarihi, domin kuwa yanzu siyasar Kano ta lalace kuma ta dawo gama-gari irin ta ko’ina a Najeriya. Kai a taƙaice ma idan aka ci gaba a haka, to jihohi irin su Oyo, Edo, Imo, Nassarawa da Zamfara za su iya shan gaban Kano ta fuskar inganticciyar siyasa ta ra’ayi da ‘yanci.

Wannan lalacewar da siyasar Kano ta yi ba komai ba ne face laifin tsohon Gwamnan Kano Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau da kuma Gwamna mai ci yanzu, Dakta Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, ko da yak e mu kanmu mabiya mun bayar da tamu gudunmawar. Mutane da dama su na da ra’ayin cewar, a tarihin Kano, ba a taɓa samun mutanen da suka ci moriyar siyasar jihar irin waɗannan mutane guda biyu ba, amma yau ga shi su ne suka fi kowa lalata ta da yi mata mummunar illa.

Kwankwaso da shekrau su ne suka share wa maguɗin zaɓe wajen zama a Kano kuma su ne suka assasa al’adar sanya jam’iyya da shugabanninta a cikin aljihu.

Ba wai ina nufin waɗannan mutane babu wata gudunmawa da suka kawo ga ci gaban Kano ba. A’a, kowannensu ya yi mulki kuma ya bar tarihi mai kyau dai-dai iyawarsa ta hanyar yin abubuwa nagartattu da suka shafi rayuwar jama’a. To amma sun yi amfani da mulkinsu wajen gina rundunar siyasarsu da tara magoya baya. Sannan kuma sun yi amfani da damar su wajen yin abin da zai ciyar da siyasar su da ta jam’iyyar su gaba kawai, amma sun lalata tsari da ginshiƙin siyasar Kano kuma da alama hakan bai dame su ba. Aiyyukansu sun nuna cewar bas u damu ba dan tarihin siyasar Kano ya lalace in dai ta su siyasar za ta ci gaba da haɓɓaka. A taƙaice dai, sun lalata tsarin da su suka fi kowa cin moriyarsa a Kano.

Lokacin da Kwankwaso ya zama gwamna a shekarar 1999, babu wani abu na nagarta da alfarma a zahiri wanda Dakta Abdullahi Umar Ganduje bai fi shi ba. Amma saboda tsaftar siyasar Kano a wancan lokaci, ba a murɗe masa zaɓen fidda gwani na PDP  an baiwa Gandujen ba. Amma lokacin da jagorancin PDP ya dawo hannun Kwankwaso, a shekarar 2007, shi kaɗai ya yi fatali da nagartattun ‘yan takara kusan guda bakwai waɗanda suka shiga zaɓe tare da shi, ya ɗauki takara ya bai wa Ahmad Garba Bichi.

Idan muka waiwayi Shekarau, a shekarar 2003, tsaftar siyasar Kano na wancan lokaci ta sa aka yarda cewar Ibrahim Little ya karya doka ta hanyar tsayawa takara ba tare da ya ajiye muƙaminsa na shugaban jam’iyya ba, kuma ba a kalli kuɗinsa, yawan jama’arsa ko ɗaurin gindin sa ba, aka karɓe takara aka ba shi duk da cewar ba shi da kuɗi ko wani ubangida a siyasance kuma ana ganin ma ba zai iya takarar ba. Amma a shekarar 2011, lokacin da jagorancin jam’iyyar ANPP ya ke hannun Shekarau, sai ya jingine matsayinsa na jagora, ya tsaya kai da fata sai an zaɓi abokinsa Mallam Salihu Sagir Takai, kuma ya dage a kan haka inda ya yi amfani da dukkan damar da ta ke hannunsa wajen cimma burinsa duk kuwa da cewar mafi yawan ‘yan jam’iyyarsa ta ANPP ba su yarda da zaɓin nasa ba.

Sakamakon waɗannan abubuwa da Kwankwaso da Shekarau suka yi a baya, yau an wayi gari saboda lalacewar siyasa a Kano, kowa tsoron tsayawa takarar gwamna a ƙashin kansa ya ke yi domin in dai ba gwamna ko jagoran jam’iyya mai ci ne ya tsayar da shi ba to wai ɓata lokacinsa ya ke yi. Kuma komai nagartarka, ba za a taɓa samar da yanayin da zaka iya wata takarar kirki da ɗan lelen gwamna ba.

Idan muka dawo ɓangaren zaɓe, Jihar Kano ba ta san mummunan maguɗin zaɓe da danniya ba sai  a kan Shekarau da Kwankwaso. Duk da cewa a lokacin SDP da NRC, mutane da yawa na da ra’ayin cewar an yi murɗiya a zaɓen gwamna tsakanin Injiniya Magaji Abdullahi da Gwamna Kabiru Gaya; to amma wannan ma wasan yara ne a kan abin da muke gani a yanzu.

Na farko dai, mafi yawan zaɓen cike gurbi da aka yi a ƙarƙashin mulkinsu ba su da inganci. Tun daga zaɓen cike gurbin ɗan majalisar Jihar Kano mai wakiltar ƙaramar hukumar Nassarawa a shekarar 2006, har zuwa zaɓen cike gurbi na ‘yan majalisun Kano ma su wakiltar Gaya da Garko da aka yi a shekarar 2013; akwai rashin inganci a cikinsu.

A shekarar 2007 ne, gwamnatin Mallam Shekarau ta shirya zaɓen ƙananan hukumomi mafi muni a tarihin siyasar Kano inda ƙiri-ƙiri a ka dinga musanya sunayen waɗanda aka sanar sun ci zaɓe a filin zaɓe da sunan abokan takararsu a can wani wajen daban ko a wani lokacin daban, wannan zaɓe ya yi muni ƙwarai da gaske kuma mu a wannan lokacin mun ɗauke shi a matsayin tsautsayi da ƙaddara wacce muke fatan ba za ta ƙara faruwa a Kano ba. Sai ga shi ƙasa da sati biyu da suka gabata, gwamnatin Kwankwaso ta shirya wani zaɓen mummuna irinsa wai da sunan ta rama abin da Shekarau ya yi mata. A wannan almara mai kama da zaɓe, an ayyana cewar jam’iyyar APC ta lashe dukkan kujerun kansiloli 484 da ciyamomi 44 a Kano. To yanzu, menene abin birgewa a nan a ce babu adawa ko ɗaya kuma bayan kowa ya san hakan ba zai yiwu ba a Kano?

Da alama dai an saka talakawan Kano a tsakiya ana wasan ƙwallon ƙafa da su. Wannan ya sa su su shiga rana su hau layi don zaɓar ra’ayinsu, sai kuma a faɗi sakamakon da aka ga dama, sannan wancan ma ya aikata irin hakan wai sannan ya ce ai ramawa ya yi. Talakawan Kano su ne abin ya ke ƙarewa a kansu kuma abin takaici wai shugabanninsu su ke mu su haka.

A lokutan mulkin Shekarau da Kwankwaso, babu wanda ya ke da ikon ya zama shugaban jam’iyyar da suke ciki sai wanda suke so kuma shugabannin jam’iyya ba su da wani ‘yancin kansu sai dai ra’ayin gwamnati domin ta mayar da su jami’anta. Idan mutum ya na takara da gwamna ko ɗan lelen gwamna, shugabanni ba za su zama alƙalai ma su adalci ba, ƙarara za su nuna maka kai ba ma ɗan jam’iyyar ba ne ko kuma ka ma yi laifi da ka tsaya takara da gwamna. Mu a da sai dai mu ji labarin irin wannan abin takaicin a wasu jihohin amma ba dai a Kano ba.

A dalilin haka, yau mun wayi gari, gwamnoni su suke nada shugabannin  jam’iyya kuma ba su da wani amfani. Da ka nemi shawararsu ma, gara ka tunkari gwamnan mai mulki kai tsaye domin aikinsa kawai su ke yi ba na jam’iyya ba. Ya kamata waɗannan jagorori su koyi darasin da tarihin siyasarsu ya koya mu su. Su tuna cewar sun samu dama kuma sun rasa ta.

A gaskiya duk da cewa Injiniya Kwankwaso da Mallam Shekarau sun bai wa Kano gudunmawa a gwamnatance amma kuma sun kawo tarnaƙi ga tsarin da ta hanyar sa ne kawai za a iya samun wasu irinsu su ɓullo su ma su bayar da tasu irin gudunmawar. Yadda tsarin siyasa ya fito da su aka sansu, jama’ar Kano suka karɓe su kuma har suka samu dama, to su ma su ƙyale adalci ya tabbata a tsarin domin kowa ya samu dama ba tare da tsangwama ba. Har yanzu akwai dama a hannunsu domin su ne suke haska fitilar siyasar Kano har gobe. Idan suka bari wannan dama ta suɓuce daga hannunsu cikin wannan yanayi ba tare da sun gyara ba, to tarihi ba zai taɓa yafe mu su ba domin kuwa ba za a dinga tunawa da su irin tunawar da ake yi wa Mallam Aminu Kano ba. Mallam Aminu Kano ya samu babbar damar sa ne wajen yin jagoranci, Shekarau da Kwankwaso sun samu damar yin mulki a gwamnatance da kuma jagoranci a siyasance baki ɗaya.

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

The Terror Victims' Support Fund and the Politics of Fund-Raising in Nigeria

4^th August, 2014.

By: Amir Abdulazeez

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et me start by making it categorically clear that last Friday’s Presidential launch of a fund raiser to support Boko Haram victims is very good and indeed commendable. I really appreciated what the President did. In fact, I see it as the most significant non-military effort in dealing with the problem so far, how I wish we had not focused only on the military aspect of solving the problem all this long. We must continue to combat violence, but we must also think of how to help the victims of violence.

In my own view, this Terrorism Victims’ Support Fund has achieved three things. One; it might have subsided the government’s effort of borrowing N160 billion to fight terrorism, even though the loan was meant to purchase weapons and not to support the victims. Two; it has indicated that the government has changed  its mind of taking care of terrorism victims only after the war has been brought to an end, which was never a good idea. Three, it has united Nigerians; it has shown that we care for each other. We are all victims of terrorism; it is only that some are more affected than others.  Terrorism has affected our economy, international image and internal unity.

Despite commending the fund raiser, we however have no cause for celebration yet. This is because fund raising is quite different from funds receipts and proper distribution and utilization of funds. we shall only celebrate when at least 75% of those who made promises that night, redeem their pledges and the funds raised reaches the actual victims without ending up in the pockets of corrupt bureaucrats.

Let’s take a short walk down the memory lane. In 2012, an unprecedented flood ravaged several states in Nigeria, affecting over 7 million people, displacing about  2.3 million people, killing over 363 persons, destroying about 597, 476 houses. To ameliorate the situation, in October 2012, the Federal Government of Nigeria, apart from immediately providing a total of almost N18 billion, also mobilized the richest people in Nigeria to raise funds to help the flood victims.  Several months after these funds were announced and even up to date, many communities are still agitating for the funds.  Where did all the funds go?

A 34-man Presidential Flood Relief and Rehabilitation Committee, co-chaired by business mogul, Aliko Dangote and frontline lawyer, Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), were left with loads of empty promises from well-respected ‘big’ people. The committee at its inauguration at the Presidential Villa stated that it was targeting the sum of N100 billion, and instantly, donations and pledges made by prominent Nigerians amounted to over N11billion.

Many of the prominent Nigerians, who made pledges in the presence of President Jonathan at the launch of the fund refused to redeem their promises, several months after and even up to today. Interestingly, some of those who pledged but never redeemed, were alleged to have gone ahead to enjoy the tax incentives attached to their pledges. The committee at a time read a riot act to the pledge defaulters, threatening to publicly publish their names in national newspapers.

My attention was also recently drawn by Pius Adesanmi when he raised the issue of Fund Raising Politics in Nigeria. Adesanmi captured Segun Adeniyi’s narration on pledges, promises, and donations by the usual suspects during the launching of Turai Yar’Adua’s International Cancer Centre in 2009 thus: “On the actual amount of money raised, I understand that the Chief launcher, who publicly pledged N500 million gave N10 million. He reportedly said that on the day of the event, he came with the intention of donating N10 million but the organizers told him that if he pledged such a “paltry sum”, it might discourage other potential big donors, so he announced 500 million. Unfortunately, that is what obtains at most launchings in Nigeria where “chief launchers” are made to pledge scandalous amounts they are not expected to redeem, just in the bid to get others to make big donations. Another businessman who is now a governor in one of the southern states pledged the sum of N210 million but up till today, not a kobo has been received from him. One particular donor who also made pledge of a hefty amount gave a cheque of N10 million that bounced. By the time they met him on the issue, Yar’Adua was already in Saudi Arabia and Dr. Goodluck Jonathan had become the Acting President. The businessman said when he made the pledge, he did it in anticipation that he would get contracts from Yar’Adua’s government but since that didn’t work out, they should bear with him. So, at the end, he gave nothing! But at least he was honest. Several other people who pledged jumbo sums of money just vamoosed the moment Yar’Adua was out of the scene.”

Concerning fund raisers for one philanthropic reason or the other, I would like to raise three fundamental issues.

First, must all funds be raised from the richest people in Nigeria? Aren’t we troubling them by asking them to donate their money all the time or whenever there is any calamity? Don’t we remember that they are businessmen and some of them are only after their business interests and would therefore only be willing to fund profitable ventures like politicians’ campaigns for example? The moment you directly or indirectly force some of them to donate, what you will get at the end are empty promises.

Secondly, why don’t we make fund raisers to support whatever emergency, a completely Nigerian issue, rather than a rich and big men affair? Although people handling the fund raisers usually announce that donations are made open to the public, but they seldom put in place any practical framework to make that happen. For example, recent statistics released by the National Communications Commission has shown that there are more than 120 million active telephone lines in Nigeria. A well-publicized appeal can make such subscribers to donate from between N20 to N200 with the potential of generating   between N2.4 billion to N24 billion. These amounts are far much better than N100 billion in pledges.

Thirdly, I once heard a state governor said, whenever you hear a government setting up committees, task force, fund raisers and so on, then someone is not doing his work somewhere. With all the manpower and resources at government’s disposal, if everyone is doing his work effectively, hardly would any situation overwhelm the government so much so that, it has to seek donations from private individuals in whatever form. The more a government seeks favours from individuals in whatever form, the more it erodes its independence and impartiality. Fund raisers should be for NGOs and other charities, but it should not be what the government does always.

While I acknowledge that, some exceptional cases of emergencies may not be effectively handled by the government without the intervention of private individuals, I strongly advocate that, governments must limit fund raising activities to the barest minimum.

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com

Is 2015 the Last Chance for Nigeria?

1^st May, 2014

By: Amir Abdulazeez

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igeria is arguably the strongest nation not only in Africa but in the whole world. This is a nation that has withstood disunity among its citizens since independence and yet it has not disintegrated. It is a nation that has endured the most chronic form of institutional corruption for almost 35 years and yet we are still rich and recently richer by our ‘rebased’ GDP. Nigeria has endured the highest form of electoral abuses and manipulations in one form or the other from 1999 to date, but yet our citizens have never refused to vote. This is a nation in which the judicial system is almost insignificant as far as common justice is concerned but yet people have never refused to direct their grievances to the courts of law and hence court cases are threatening to explode our courts. In our country, insecurity in the form of riots, ethnic and religious crises, armed robbery, violence, raping, kidnapping and recently terrorism has been on a rampant and consistent increase since after the civil war, and yet most Nigerian leaders sleep with their two eyes closed. This is a nation whose industrial sector has all but collapsed with more than 75% of its products being exported from abroad, and yet our economy is still ‘growing’. Is it not in this country that the labour market has now become a deadly market? Yet, people are still willing to attend a fresh immigration screening exercise whenever they are called upon because of chronic unemployment. Is it not in Nigeria that security agents who are supposed to protect and guard you in particular and the nation in general, are the worst public enemies? Right now, I can’t think of any Nigerian household that depends on government for power supply that has had three days uninterruptable power supply in the last 10 years, and yet we are generating ‘more’ electricity.

I don’t think there is any nation apart from Nigeria that can survive all the above problems for such a long period without totally collapsing out of existence. Therefore, Nigeria is currently the strongest nation now in existence. Let’s remember that strength is not only about what you can do, but about how much you can endure. Some have predicted that Nigeria will cease to exist before 2015 and about seven months to 2015, I still don’t think Nigeria will stop existing. Well, Japheth Omojuwa described Nigeria as a failed state that is still working.

One big question we are to ask ourselves is that, when are we going to bring an end to our problems? Should we rather ask, are these problems going to end or are we going to continue like this? We may also ask, who are going to end our problems? Is it the citizens, is it the leaders or is it God?

I may not be able to provide clear cut answers to the above questions, but one thing is very clear. At the moment, the destiny of Nigeria looks to be in the hands of Nigerians, but it is not. Average Nigerian citizens cannot even determine who becomes a presidential or gubernatorial candidate. The process of producing Nigerian leaders is being hijacked by political parties who use their narrow and selfish methods to produce some limited choices to Nigerians. In the last elections in 2011, Nigerians were only limited to the options of Buhari and Jonathan, with Shekarau and Ribadu being considered as distant outsiders not because of their incompetence but because of the nature of the political system and myopic political thinking of the Nigerian public. This year, the choices are even narrower as Nigerians would only have the option to choose between whatever thing the PDP or APC presents to them.

Why can’t Nigerians produce their own presidential candidates to choose from irrespective of what the major political parties want? The biggest step Nigerians must take is to bring back their destiny from the hands of APC, PDP, INEC and whatever political organization back to their own hands. Nigerians must boycott any arrangement that will not make them the major players in the emergence of any presidential, gubernatorial or senatorial candidate. Any party that goes ahead to use its narrow methods that do not in whatever way represent the majority of Nigerians, should be completely rejected in the polls. Nigerians must establish their supremacy; citizens must be feared and seen as people who can effect collective change at any time they want. Nigeria must be slave to its citizens and not the other way round. At least, citizens should be able to install anyone they want as leader, as far as they trust him, irrespective of his political, economic and social background.

Traditionally, every election year is seen as crucial and future-determining or future-shaping year. The same happened in 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011. A lot of people made different propositions that if we failed to get it right in those elections, that will be the end of us. All that have come to pass and we are still here with a future which can be made a good one in 2015. The 2015 elections are much more significant than previous elections for many reasons. Nigerian democracy is approaching maturity stage, if it completely enters the maturity stage with bad leaders and non-credible elections, then it may permanently become part of our political culture that you have to be bad to win and you have to come through rigging, godfatherism and so on.

Secondly, Nigerians have never been so ethnically and religiously divided as now. This was very much proven in the 2011 elections. If we don’t stop this trend in 2015, then people will begin to form ethnic and religious parties so that no one can win, no matter how competent unless he is backed by a religious or ethnic following. Nigeria has never being so fragile and if care is not taken, 2015 may be the last straw that may break the camel’s back.

I personally believe that, 2015 is the last chance for Nigeria to get it right. We should consider all what has gone wrong from independence to date as a necessary sacrifice for nation building but it must come to an end.  Right now, we desperately need leadership that will unite our citizens and lay a solid foundation for our country to flourish. The nearest available opportunity for us to get this is in 2015 and if we fail to grab it, we may not even have 2019 at all.

Nigerians must consider 2015 to be their last chance to bring any change. Change must not necessarily be by voting in APC or voting out PDP. No, we must have a complete change in the set of people that govern us. We must make sure that they have our full mandate and we can hold them accountable anytime, anywhere. We must also be able to change them once they begin to fail. We can’t play with our country.

We must collectively put behind us issues of gender, ethnicity, religion, political party and social differences. Let’s be courageous, let’s do this sacrifice and let’s vote like Nigerians and not like southerners or northerners. Let’s forget Nigeria if we fail to elect a credible leader in 2015.

©2014: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com