29TH
May, 2015
By: Amir Abdulazeez
T
|
he All Progressives’ Congress (APC) is now Nigeria’s
official ‘ruling’, sorry ‘governing’ party; recall, Buhari said they were going
to govern not rule. Despite now being the party in power at the centre and in
control of a little less than two-third of the states of the federation, APC is
arguably still not the dominant party in the country, especially when we
compare its current status with what PDP was in 2003 and 2007.
Some of the reasons why APC may not be considered as dominant
as PDP was include; it is not in absolute control of the National Assembly where
it slightly lacks the two-third majority in the House of Representatives and only
has a slim majority in the Senate. APC will be facing the PDP as the most
potentially strong and richest opposition party in Nigeria’s history. The party
had ruled for 16 years and it will take a reasonably long time before its
material wealth (something that is indispensable in Nigerian politics) and long-term
influence gained in power to completely wither away. The PDP is also
controlling some of the richest and most important states in Nigeria with Kano
and Lagos being the most significant exception, apart from having some of
Nigeria’s most valuable political maestros within its fold. Furthermore, PDP’s
strong ward to national political structure across the country built over the
years with power, wealth and patronage cannot be easily dismantled.
However, the question is whether the PDP can use all
these potentials to constitute a formidable opposition to the governing APC,
checkmate it, give it a good fight and possibly reposition strongly to stand a
chance of taking over power from it in 2019? Since it is too early to
understand and predict the new political direction in the country, answers to
these questions can only be hypothetical.
As noted earlier, APC has no so much significant
dominance over the PDP, but sooner or later it will get that dominance. The APC
will get its dominance from future PDP’s misdoings and other events that will
arise; PDP’s post-election crises is probably a sign of things to come. First
of all, even in defeat, PDP seems unprepared to jettison its use and dump
attitude complemented by brutal godfatherism, thereby creating more and more
enemies for itself who continue operating and sabotaging it from within. It is
expected that now without state power, this culture in PDP is likely to slow
down and eventually stop, but the amount of damage it will do to the party
before it stops may prove costly. The PDP subconsciously engineered its poor
showing in the North and South-West thereby almost relegating itself to a
regional party. It is very much unlikely that PDP can redeem its poor northern
image in good time enough to checkmate APC’s forthcoming dominance. In the South-South
and South-East where the PDP had a massive national following, it refused to
allow the people to freely and fairly vote for their choices in local elections
and the people are likely to punish it in potential bye-elections and in gubernatorial
elections of Bayelsa, Edo and Anambra that will take place before 2019. One
major setback for PDP is that the party is widely expected to lose big at all
levels in the election tribunals. Before 2015, PDP had two strong annexed
parties in APGA and Labour Party which have played very significant roles in
PDP’s ‘winning’ of presidential elections. In what looked like suicidal, the
PDP decided to kill and swallow the LP and has badly wounded the APGA and
therefore now left with no other allies outside the main party. With its
expected continuous decline, PDP will have it very difficult to win the
gubernatorial elections in Ondo, Kogi and even Ekiti states. All these are
factors that will weaken the PDP and strengthen the APC.
The PDP throughout its sixteen years had built itself
around money, power and influence and 16 years is not 16 weeks. It will be very
difficult if not almost impossible for the party to survive without these
things unless they adjust extraordinarily. One to two years from now, the PDP
will look more and more dilapidated, disorganized and most likely get
disintegrated. This would be a very bad development for Nigerian politics. For
many Nigerians who would like PDP to regroup and keep APC on its toes, they are
more than likely to be disappointed. With a possible occurrence of this
scenario, who then will checkmate APC?
The All Progressives’ Congress would from all
indication dominate the Nigerian political landscape by mid-2016 up to probably
early 2017, but anything after that cannot be easily predicted.
When APC becomes the dominant party in Nigeria, it is
only normal that we get someone to checkmate its excesses. First, we need to
determine how much checkmating does the APC require? It is very predictable
that in matters within the sphere of Buhari’s direct influence, APC will
require little or no checkmating at all. This is because it is simply
unthinkable that Buhari will deliberately allow things he can directly control
to go out of order and it is unimaginable that the new President will sacrifice
his life-long integrity by allowing people directly under his control to mess
up without dealing with them. However, any other APC issue outside Buhari’s direct
influence cannot be trusted to be significantly different to that of PDP. For
instance, one cannot bet against the new National Assembly under the APC to
continue ‘business as usual’, we can’t bet against the APC Governors to
continue along the tyrannical and autocratic line of most Nigerian Governors
since 1999; as party leaders, the party had officially equipped its governors
to run the state chapters of the party almost like their personal properties. One
may not expect APC Local Government Chairmen and other officials not to abuse
office and one also cannot trust the APC party officials to conduct free, fair
and credible primaries at all levels as well as running the party transparently
without favouritism, nepotism and corruption. Now that it has power, can we
rule out the advancement of godfatherism, candidate imposition, money politics
and other undemocratic practices into new levels within APC?
If APC needs checkmating and the PDP may not be able
to do that, who else can? Buhari alone can be trusted to checkmate between 15
to 30% of the APC’s excesses. If he can firmly control his government and
ensure strict adherence to discipline and due process, some few APC organs may
fall in line. Secondly, it may be possible that APC may checkmate itself
depending on how events turn out. This is because; the party is an amalgamation
of different seemingly incompatible groups whose main objective was to win
elections. Cracks are likely to occur and the party may break into factions,
this may start from the unhealed wounds that could be created from the election
of National Assembly Principal Officers. These cracks may widen beyond
redemption especially in the states where the governors are likely to continue
with their dictatorial tendencies. The fiercest opposition to the party and its
leadership is likely to come from within and by the next convention meant to
elect the leaders of the party in 2018, the final straw may have broken the
camel’s back, with only the presidency as the source of unity and inspiration
for all the warring factions of the party.
Presently, it is reported that some political stakeholders
have started making underground efforts to come up with a third powerful alternative
party to APC and PDP and they are determined to start work as early as late
2015 to early 2016. Part of their plan is to accommodate all the previously deregistered
political parties and some interested existing ones into one large group. If
this effort leads to fruition, coupled with determination and good leadership
by the right people, then that new party may be backed by Nigerians to give the
APC a good fight before and in 2019.
All these hypotheses aside, independent socio-online
media activist are most certain to become the group that will give APC the
biggest fight and the most significant checkmating of its life. If we recall,
this group played one of the most significant role in kicking Jonathan and PDP
out of Aso Rock. The majority of the Nigerian conventional mainstream media is
likely to remain divided and in many cases profit-minded ahead of 2019, just as
it was during the height of the Buhari-Jonathan campaign. Socio-online media activists,
patriots, nationalists and bloggers have come to stay in Nigeria and they are
likely to become stronger, more formal and more effective especially with the
renewed confidence and sense of accomplishment that they now have from the 2015
elections. If APC is not careful, this group, that gave it one of its most
significant supports into Aso Rock, would be the same to sack it out of it.
©2015: abdulazeezamir@hotmail.com
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