1st June, 2016
By: AmirAbdulazeez
T
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hree things are apparently no longer in doubt as far
as the Nigerian project is concerned. One, as much as 75% or more of the 36 oil-money
dependent states, cannot independently sustain themselves economically to a
significant level, now and perhaps forever. Two, Nigerians may never be able to
sincerely and patriotically shelve their ethnic, religious, political and
selfish differences to pursue collective national prosperity. With the more divisive
orientation we are giving to the upcoming generation of Nigerians, we can even
be certain about this. Three, leadership failure has done so much damage to
Nigeria and her citizens that no one can precisely predict how long it will
take for citizens’ hope, trust and confidence on leadership at ‘all’ levels to
be fully restored.
The solutions to some or all of the above problems
have been argued by some people to lie with what they call ‘true federalism’.
Others bluntly call it ‘resource control’. Although, we are operating under a
federal system already, proponents of true federalism wants the system to be
reviewed so as to give less power to the center and more autonomy to the
states. With this, they say, states can have more control (some say full control)
over their natural resources and economy and thereafter remit ‘some’ of their
earnings to the Federal Government. While advocates of this kind of restructuring
think it is the best way to achieve national development, obvious reality
points that many landlocked states or regions in Nigeria outside the oil-rich
areas would simply collapse economically under such an arrangement.
Few days ago, the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) warned via
a communique after a one-day
stakeholders’ conference that violent
agitations won’t end in Nigeria unless we begin to practice true federalism. The
group, according to media reports noted that while the 2009 Presidential
Amnesty Programme brought temporary peace to the Niger Delta region, the
crucial issues that forms the basis for the agitation i.e. resource control and
true federalism are still left unaddressed. The IYC insisted that ‘the
only solution to intermittent crisis in the Niger Delta region, which has led
to recent resurgence in attacks on oil installations by militant groups,
is for the Buhari-led government to address the resource control and ownership
question’.
While true federalism may have some benefits-the major
of which are making every section of the country to sit up and become productive
and self-dependent for effective national development as well as allowing
everyone to develop or under develop at his own pace; in our own case, it may
have little or nothing to do with solving Nigeria’s problems, especially the
aforementioned. The simple truth is that, there is no reform or structural
adjustment that will thrive without true leadership. The problems of the Niger-Delta
region and all other regions in Nigeria are typical examples of leadership
failure and poor resource management. If you are to have all the resources and
autonomy in this world, you will still remain in problems if you lack good
leadership that gives priority to prudent and optimal resource management. If
we like, let us discover oil or gold in every state in Nigeria, we may never
witness development until the day we collectively unite to bring to an end the
menace of bad leadership and squandering of resources by few among us at all
levels-from federal to local governments.
Out of the 17 years of uninterrupted democracy in
Nigeria, the South ruled for 13 years while the North had ruled for the
remaining four. Many northerners decried marginalization and often cite this as
the major reason why the region is much backwards as compared to the south. The
somewhat shallow argument is that Obasanjo and Jonathan had agendas of
destroying the North. However, the truth is that the North’s failure is largely
due to lack of a clear and implementable development plan, poor resource
management and corruption by many state governors, local government chairmen,
political and traditional leaders as well as others in the position of
authority.
This is the same problem that the Niger-Delta region
is facing. The region has the highest federal allocation apart from the 13%
derivation allocation. The monthly federal allocation of Akwa-Ibom State is
more than half the allocations of all the six states in North-Eastern Nigeria. In
addition, there is an annual allocation for the Niger Delta Federal Ministry,
the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) as well as a Special Presidential
Amnesty Programme. Apart from all these, a son of the core Niger-Delta ruled
for more than 5 years. All of these did not significantly change the fate of
the region. What guarantee do we have then that resource control would change
its fortunes, especially with the same set of leaders still in place? Is it not
then therefore a question of good leadership that pays attention to good resource
management which has been badly lacking in the region as well as the other
parts of Nigeria?
The majority of the calls for resource control are not
apparently in any way done with a patriotic motive. It is more of a
secessionist tactics which some are not bold enough to clamour openly and directly
for. One problem with Nigeria is that every region is clamouring for the
downfall of the other regions to its maximum advantage as if we have been
divinely foretold that all the regions cannot develop all together unless at
the expense of each other. Every region wants to have everything for itself. It
is obviously certain that the call for resource control is not only a Niger-Delta
affair, if other regions possessed some resource which is as valuable or more
than oil, they will equally call for resource control so that they can have it
all for themselves. If it was to be declared that cocoa is the most valuable
resource in the world, the South West may call for resource control, if it is
tomato or groundnut, the North West will call for resource control. That’s the
kind of one Nigeria we are pretending to have.
The fact that God in His infinite wisdom decided to
locate Nigeria’s oil resource in the Niger Delta or its most valuable coastal
areas in the South West doesn’t mean other regions didn’t proportionally
contribute to the artificial extraction and development of these resources. It
equally doesn’t mean that God wants only people of such areas to benefit. What
we have to do is to ensure we do adequate justice to the Niger-Delta
environments that are producing the nation’s economic lifeline and the only way
we can do this is through purposeful leadership at all levels. Nigeria’s wealth
is more than enough for all of us, as long as it would be properly managed.
There are several reasons why the so-called resource
control or true federalism is neither the solution to Nigeria’s problems nor to
that of the Niger Delta and other regions.
First and foremost, it has been longed acknowledged
globally that abundance of natural resources in general and oil in particular
is not a guarantee to prosperity; only a consistently good and purposeful
leadership is. Nigeria and most developing countries are experiencing what is
called ‘resource curse’. The resource curse refers to a situation whereby a
country has an export-driven natural resources sector that generates large
revenues for government but leads paradoxically to economic stagnation and
political instability. According to the African Development Report (2007), it
has often been asserted that petroleum, in particular, brings trouble; waste,
corruption, consumption, debt over- hang, deterioration, falling apart of
public services, wars, and other forms of conflicts, among others. Thus, natural
resource- abundant countries tend to grow slower than expected considering
their resource wealth and, in many cases, actually grow slower than
resource-scarce countries. The fundamental issue here is how governments
administer resource wealth and how they use natural resource revenues. Today,
only few resource-rich countries like the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and
Qatar are using revenues from their oil to construct mega-cities out of desert
land, thereby also generating considerable economic activities and additional
incomes.
Secondly, if the true federalism agenda is to be
implemented the way some of its advocates would want, it literally means that the
rest of the non-oil regions whose states even as at now cannot pay salaries
would collapse economically. The Federal Government as well as the other
regions may have to beg the oil-producing areas for resources to survive. If this
is the case, why don’t such advocates just call for secession so that they can
have all their resources and forget any obligation of remitting anything to Nigeria?
If this happens, then everyone else would out of utmost necessity look for how
to survive.
Thirdly, the operators
of a system significantly determine the success of the system more than the
nature of the system itself. The people that are likely to occupy leadership
positions in the Niger Delta post resource control era are the same people who
led the region from 1999 to date. They are the same people who squandered the
allocated resources of the region without corresponding development. It is
needless to cite the Ibori, Alamieghsieha and many other undiscovered scandals
as typical examples. Unless we device a means of holding Nigerian leaders at
all levels truly accountable, no amount of resource control will improve the
fortune of the masses, not even in the Niger Delta.
Fourthly, the
future of the world is that which oil does not feature significantly. It is
also becoming obvious that developed countries are busy with finding ways to
reduce the consumption of many natural resources which they depend mostly on
developing countries to get. If someone is planning a future in which he wants
to keep exploring and producing oil, we can only say that he is out of touch
with the global reality.
The dilemma we are
facing is that maintaining the status quo of ‘loose federalism’ isn’t a
solution, neither would the so-called true federalism. What we need is true
leadership. Every region is claiming marginalization especially when one of its
own is not in power. It is advisable that the Buhari government should revisit
the report of the 2014 National Conference and see how it can implement some of
the recommendations with regards to not only the resource control advocates’ interests
but the interests of the whole country at large.
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